DP 152 
.3 
.07 
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1st series No. 51 



JUNE 15, 1921 



UNIVERSITY OF IOWA 
STUDIES 

HUMANISTIC STUDIES 



VOLUME II 



NUMBER 1 



HENGEST 

A STUDY IN EARLY ENGLISH HERO LEGEND 



BY 



Nellie Slayton Aurner 



PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY, IOWA CITY 



Issued semi-monthly throughout the year. Entered at the postof&ce at Iowa City as 
second class mail matter. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided 
for in Section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917, authorized on July 3, 1918. 



UNIVERSITY OF IOWA 
HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

Continuation of Studies in Language and Literature 



VOLUME I 
1907-1918 



UNIVERSITY OF IOWA, IOWA CITY 
1921 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



CONTENTS 

VOLUME I 

No. 1 Bale, C. E. Syntax of the genitive case in fhe Lindis- 
farne gospel. 

No. 2 Flom, F. T. a history of Scandinavian studies in 
American nniversities. 

No. 3 Foster, F. M. The divisions in the plays of Plautns 
and Terence. 

No. 4 Van Horne, John. Studies on Leopardi. 

No. 5 Vannoy, C. a. Studies on the Athena Parthenos of 
Pheidias. 

No. 6 AuRNER, N. S. An analysis of the interpretations of 
the Finnsburg documents. 

No. 7 IvREHBiEL, A. R. Gottfried Keller's attitude toward 
literarv criticism and theory. 



.3 



6'^ 



CONTENTS 

FOREWORD 5 

INTRODUCTION 7 

Permanent interest in Hengest — Jefferson's proposal for a United 
States seal — numerous Hengest legends — his place in Arthurian 
legend — Merlin — reasons why Hengest has not been the sub- 
ject of great literature 

CHAPTER I. EARLY ENGLISH CHRONICLES 10 

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle — Bede — Nennius — Aethelweard — Wil- 
liam of Malmesbury — Henry of Huntingdon — Geoffrey of 
Monmouth 

CHAPTER II. FROM GEOFFREY TO MILTON 22 

Influence of Geoffrey — classification of his followers : Ralph de 
Diceto, John of Fordun, Richard Grafton, Higden's Polychroni- 
con — Chroniques d 'Anjou et du Maine — Holinshed 's chronicles 
— Milton 's history 

CHAPTER III. HENGEST IN ROMANCE AND VERSE..30 

Gaimar — Wace — Layamon — French prose Brut d 'Engleterre — 
Merlin of Robert de Boron — Middle English translation of Mer- 
lin — Henry Lonelich 's Merlin — Drayton 's Polyolbion — Spen- 
ser 's Faerie Queene 

CHAPTER IV. IN FRISIAN TRADITION 44 

Suffridus Petrus ' account of Frisian historical writers — of Hen- 
gest — mythical beginnings of Friesland — Bernardus Furmeri- 
us, Annalium Phrisicorum Libri Tres — Martinus Hamconius — 
Cornelius Kempius — oral tradition — affinity of English and 
Frisian languages 

CHAPTER V. IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY 56 

Beowulf episode — Grundtvig 's view — Kemble 's translation — 
"Wackerbarth 's objection — Grein's influence — Chadwick's sug- 
gestion — contributions of Huchon, Clark Hall, and Imelman — 
folk lore of the island of Sylt — general evidences of identity 

APPENDIX 68 

Discussion of tabulation _ 68 

Bibliography 75 

Chart 78 

3 



FOREWORD 

The following study was completed in 1917, but owing to 
conditions growing out of the war has remained unpublished. 
It grew out of an attempt to produce a satisfactory interpreta- 
tion of the Finnsburg documents in Old English literature. An 
investigation of what scholarship had already accomplished in 
the field resulted in the publication of a monograph in which the 
various interpretations that had been suggested were analyzed 
and classified, and a complete bibliography was presented. This 
analysis made clear the necessity of numerous detailed investi- 
gations before any reliable interpretation could be worked out. 
The point most under discussion seemed to be the relation of 
Hengest to the events and persons of the texts. Accordingly, 
the field of research was narrowed to this point and an effort 
was made to bring together all that language, folk-lore, history, 
and legend could contribute to throw light upon the subject. 

This effort resulted in bringing together an unexpectedly 
large body of heroic legends gathered about the figure of 
Hengest. The way in which various details were added, and 
i'neidents grew and were combined furnishes an illuminating 
example of the method of growth in epic material. The query 
that led to the whole investigation — the question of what light 
this material may throw upon the interpretation of the Finnsburg 
passages — has been answered, naturally, in terms of my own 
personal reaction to the findings. To me the conclusion pre- 
sented seems practically inevitable, but I trust that the warmth 
of my conviction will not give the impression that the usefulness 
of the work depends entirely or even principally upon the estab- 
lishment of this conclusion. The material here brought together 
in convenient form lends itself readily to interpretation by those 
whose wide range of knowledge and technical skill fit them to 
make important suggestions, but who might not be willing or 
able to take the time to carry out all the preliminary 
investigation. 

The work of this dissertation together with the monograph 



6 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

which preceded it owes its existence to Professor Clarke Fisher 
Ansley. To his careful and accurate scholarship, vitalized by 
the power of his exceptionally stimulating appreciation of Old 
English life and literature, is due not only the original impulse 
but also the sustained interest which has brought pleasure even 
from the drudgery of uninteresting translation and the routine 
of comparison and classification. Unfortunately his connection 
with the University of Iowa was broken before this study began 
to assume defi'nite form ; doubtless it would have been better in 
many ways if worked out in direct contact with his stimulating 
mind. For none of its faults is he responsible since he will see 
it first in this publication. 

I wish to thank Associate Professor Percival Hunt for help 
derived from his keen sense of form, and Assistant Professor 
J. H. Scott for the suggestion of the tabular appendix. Tha'nks 
also are due to Doctor Luebke, Doctor Henning Larsen, and to 
Professors Charles Bundy Wilson a'nd Franklin Potter for help- 
ful suggestions and for valuable assistance in the work of 
translation. 



INTRODUCTION 

HENGEST 

In the inherited traditions of the English race the figure of 
Saxon Hengest stands second only to that of British Arthur, but 
the fates of the two in literature have been very different. 
Everyone recognizes the importance of the legends that have 
gathered about the person of Arthur, while very little apparent 
consideration is given to the tales that have made the name of 
Hengest live, although this name has aroused a mental thrill 
from the first mention of the Anglo-Saxon conquest to the day 
when Thomas Jefferson, proposing his device for a United States 
Seal, wrote, ''and on the other side Hengist and Horsa, the 
Saxon chiefs from whom we claim the honor of being descended, 
and whose political principles and form of government we have 
assumed." Although Jefferson's idea was not adopted, the new 
world has been by no means without interest in the Saxon chief 
he wished to honor. It was the vice-president of the College of 
the City of New York who wrote: "This crafty and valiant 
prince has left a legend on every coast between Jutland and the 
Cornish Promontory. All the old stories are fastened on his 
name . . . Hengest seems to be ubiquitous and fills all sorts of 
characters."^ 

In all the chronicles that have preserved Arthurian material 
we find Hengest playing an important role as the chief of the 
heathens. This leading position is kept in the earlier forms of 
the romances dealing with the matter of Britain, but is gradually 
made subordinate and finally lost sight of as the interest is 
centered upon Arthur and his knights and the imaginative con- 
ception of the Holy Grail. A significant illustration of this 
tendency is found in the Old French prose "Merlin." In order 
to account for the building of Vortigern's tower the narrator 
explains as briefiy as possible that among the Saxons called to 
his aid there was one named Hangus much more proud than the 

iRoemer: "Origins of the English People and of the English Language," p. 69. 

7 



8 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

rest. This Hangus had served Vortigern so long and so well that 
the British king was victorious in war. Vortigern had married 
a daughter of Hangus and by placing himself in the power of 
the Saxons had made his own people despise him. Fearing dis- 
loyalty, he attempted to build a tower of such impregnability 
that it should need no defence. The author describing the 
building of the tower and eager to develop the incidents that 
lead to the discovery of Merlin, chafes even at the meagre 
details he finds it necessary to give and exclaims, ''Now I will 
say no more of Hangus or of things related to him. ' '^ 

Why, one might ask, if the memory of Hengest has been so 
persistent and tales of his valor so wide spread, has he not been 
made the hero of some poetic cycle, — the central figure, perhaps, 
of the matter of the Saxon Shore as Arthur was of Britain, 
Charlemagne of France, and Siegfried the Volsung of the North ? 
It has been conjectured^ that he did appear as such a figure in 
an Old English ''Hengestlied" which has been lost as a whole 
but has in part been woven with other material into the Finn 
episode of Beowulf. This, however, is pure conjecture and can 
not be used as evidence. There are reasons, however, why 
Hengest has not become the central theme in any great work of 
literature. Practically all the Old English poetry that has been 
preserved is from the Anglian tribes that settled in the north 
and they naturally sang of their own heroes or used material 
that came to them as race tradition. To Celtic writers Hengest 
was a hated name, bearing much the significance that Hun or 
Boche does to the Frenchman of to-day. He appears in the 
tales of the Latin chroniclers — who were all Christian, some of 
them Celtic — as the embodiment of craft, treachery, and de- 
structive power. He is the adversary, the leader of the pirates, 
whose only virtue was that he called forth the power of Arthur 
who 

''Fought, and in twelve great battles overcame 
The heathen hordes, and made a realm and reigned. ' ' 

In the continental legends that have gathered about his name 
he is given a more favorable character. He appears to advantage 



2 Merlin, Robert de Boron, Societe des Anciens Textes Francais, Vol. I, p. 38. 
SMcller: "Das altenglisehe Volksepos," p. 64. 



HENGEST 9 

in Frisian tradition where he is claimed as a prince of the ruling 
race, possessed of all the virtues and driven by fate into hardship 
and adventures that demand the exercise of these virtues. But 
not even among these admirers has he proved a stimulus to great 
literary creation or even the subject of special study. A figure 
that has provoked allusion from the beginnings of our literature 
to the present time without having been made the definite focus 
of literary treatment certainly deserves special investigation. 



CHAPTER I 

EARLY ENGLISH CHRONICLES 

It is probably safe to state that the earliest mention of Hengest 
is the account in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Of course the 
Chronicle in its present form was drawn up in the time of 
Alfred, but it is generally admitted that records existed from 
which Bede drew materials for his work. The references to 
Hengest a'nd his time bear all the appearance of original records, 
but, since they are in substantial agreement with Bede, it really 
matters little which is regarded as the earlier. The Chronicle 
account relates that in the year 449. Hengest and Horsa, invited 
by Vortigern, as aid against his enemies, landed at Wippidsfleet. 
Victorious in their battles with the Picts, they were given lands 
and were soon joined by large forces of their people "from the 
Old Saxons, from the Angles, from the Jutes." In 455 the two 
brothers turned their forces against the Britons and met Vor- 
tigern in battle at Aylesford. Horsa was slain but the battle 
was won by the Teutons for "after that Hengest obtained the 
kingdom and Aesc his son. ' ' In the 'next year Hengest and Aesc 
won another battle against the Britons at Crayford which was 
followed in 457 at the same place by a victory so decisive that 
"the Britons then forsook Kent, and in great terror fled to 
London. " Eight years later, and again after an interval of eight 
years Hengest and Aesc fought the Welsh and "the Welsh fled 
from the Angles like fire." This is the last direct mention of 
Hengest although his death is inferred from the entry for 488, 
"This year Aesc succeeded to the Kingdom," 

Bede's narration develops the same events with more detail. 
King Vortigern, urged by his people to seek help against the 
cruel and frequent incursions of the northern nations called in 
"the nation of the Angles, or Saxons." These arrived "with 
three long ships" and were assigned land in the eastern part of 
the island. They advanced against the enemy from the north 
and won such a victory that the fame of their deeds, carried with 

10 



HENGEST 11 

reports of the fertility of the country and the cowardice of the 
Britons attracted great numbers of their countrymen, which 
Bede says "being added to the former, made up an invincible 
army." The nations concerned in this invasion are called by 
Bede the three most powerful nations of Germany — Saxons, 
Angles, and Jutes. Their descendants are traced in the England 
of Bede 's own time, and the names of their leaders are given as 
Hengist and Horsa with the additional statement that Horsa, 
afterwards slain in battle by the Britons, ''was buried in the 
eastern parts of Kent, where a monument bearing his name is 
still in existence. ' ' It was not long until the new settlers found 
excuse to turn against the Britons. Their demands for increased 
provisions resulted in ravaging expeditions in which they 
plundered the country and put its inhabita'nts to flight. Rally- 
ing under the leadership of Ambrosius Aurelius, the Britons at 
last gained a victory, and fought against their invaders with 
varying success from that day until the siege of Baddesdotvn 
Hill forty-four years after the landing of Hengest. 

Bede's history, written in the seccnd quarter of the eighth 
century, was perhaps preceded by that section of the "Historia 
Britonum ' ' which deals with the Saxon conquest, but the version 
which we have in the compilation of Nennius seems to date from 
the close of the eighth century. 

Nennius begins his story of the Saxons by explaining can- 
ditions in the realm of Vortigern. His subjects were in constant 
fear, not only from the Scots and Picts but from the Romans 
and particularly from Ambrosius. In the midst of this uneasi- 
tness (447) arrived three vessels, exiled from Germany and 
commanded by two brothers, Hengist and Horsa, sons of 
Wihtgils. Vortigern, receiving them as friends, made over to 
them the island of Thanet, and after they had occupied the 
island for some time, he promised to supply them with provisions 
and clothing if they would agree to fight against his enemies. 
The Saxons, however, increased so rapidly in -numbers that the 
Britons, unable to fulfill their promise, declared that they no 
longer needed Saxon assistance and begged their troublesome 
guests to return home since it was impossible to support them. 
But Hengist, "in whom," Nennius says, "united craft and 
penetration," vowed that if he were allowed to send for more 



12 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

forces they would take the field against Vortigern's enemies and 
gain their own support. Vortigern assented a'nd Hengist sent 
out messengers who returned with troops filling sixteen vessels. 
Among the new arrivals was the beautiful daughter of Hengist. 
In order to gain the greatest advantage from her presence the 
Saxon chief invited the king, his officers, and Ceretic his inter- 
preter to an entertainment during which his daughter served 
them so generously with wine and ale that they all became 
intoxicated. Vortigern, carried away by the beauty of the girl, 
promised to give whatever he was asked for her. Hengist, with 
the counsel of the elders ''of the Aghgul race" asked and was 
gra'nted the province of Kent in spite of the indignation of 
Vortigern's subjects. Hengist 's influence was now established 
and he strengthened his power by sending for his son and his 
brother, Octa and Ebusa, who came with forty ships. But this 
was not the end ; ships continued to arrive until ' ' some islands 
whence they came were left without inhabitants." 

Vortigern's crimes, however, were not yet complete. In 
addition to betraying the interests of his own people he com- 
mitted domestic sins that brought upon him the wrath of St. 
Germanus and the hatred of his subjects. But his son Vortimer 
gathered an army and drove Hengist and his followers back to 
the island of Thanet. Four battles, Nennius declares, were 
fought by the forces of Vortimer and Hengist; the o'ne just 
mentioned, a second on the river Darent ; the third at Epsford 
where Horsa fell, and Catigern a son of Vortigern; and the 
fourth ' ' near the Stone on the shore of the Gallic sea, where the 
Saxons being defeated, fled to their ships." Shortly after this 
Vortimer died and the Saxo'ns once more, taking advantage of 
the weaknesses of Vortigern, laid plans to regain their lost 
territory. With offers of peace and perpetual friendship Hengist 
once more prepared an entertainment to which he invited King 
Vortigern, his nobles, and his military officers to the number of 
about three hundred. Three hundred Saxons were ordered each 
to be prepared with a concealed knife and to take his place next 
to one of the enemy. When they were all much intoxicated, 
Hengist suddenly called out, ''Nimed eur Saxes!" The knives 
flashed forth and three hundred of Vortigern's leaders were 
slain. The king bought his own safety by giving over ''the 



HENGEST 13 

three provinces of East, South, a'nd Middle Sex, besides other 
districts at the option of his betrayers. ' ' 

After this the Saxons greatly increased in Britain, and after 
the death of Hengist, Octa came to the kingdom of Kent and 
from him descended the kings of that province. 

The three accounts just summarized represent the body of 
clerical tradition in England that had gathered about the name 
of Hengest by the year 800. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and 
Bede relate events briefly without marked bias or the heat of 
indignation, but Nennius writes with the bitterness of a Briton 
and a Christian against the paga-n Teuton. In his pages we note 
the growth of legend ; we find events of other times and places 
attaching themselves to the name of the hated Saxon leader. It 
is evident from the language used in representing the infatuation 
of Vortigern for Hengest 's daughter that the 'narrator had in 
mind the episode of Herod and Salome, and the trick practised 
at the second entertainment is a close parallel to the one used 
by the Saxons against the Thuringians, as related by Widukind.* 

Between the ninth and the twelfth centuries very little change 
can be noted in the incidents of the Hengest story. The chronicle 
of Aethelweard, dating from the end of the tenth century, omits 
many of the events told by Nennius a'nd gives an entirely differ- 
ent tone to the whole account. Himself a descendant of the 
invaders, he sees in them a band of noble adventurers rather 
than a horde of savage and treacherous barbarians. His 
narrative may be summed up in brief space : — 

The Britons, harassed on all sides by enemies which they were 
too weak to repel, heard of the activity of the Saxons as pirates 
along the whole coast from Denmark to the Rhine and were 
greatly impressed by their strength in all matters pertaining to 
war. Accordingly they sent messengers with rich gifts to ask 
their help, promising a peaceful alliance after their enemies 
were driven out. Hengist and Horsa, two young men already 
preeminent in Germany, the grandsons of Woden, came in 
answer to the petition of King Vurthern and his senate with 
three vessels loaded with arms and military stores. Not long 
after they were sent against the Scots and succeeded in driving 
them from the field. For this they were rewarded by the Britons 
and, strengthened by the arrival of large numbers of their 
countrymen from Germany, they engaged to protect the Britons 

4 Mon. Germ. Hist., Script., Ill, ed. 1839, p. 419. 



14 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

and allow them to remain at ease in return for suitable gifts 
and stipends. But the Britons before long broke their compact 
and tried to drive them out of the country. As a result a battle 
was fought in which the Saxons were victorious. Large multi- 
tudes now came over from every province of Germany and 
carried on war with the Britons, ever remaining masters of the 
field. So greatly did the 'number of invaders increase that they 
gradually wiped out all memory of the former inhabitants and 
drove the Britons into certain narrow isthmuses of the island 
and held possession of the island from sea to sea. 

In the chapter following this narrative Aethelweard gives a 
list of events which practically duplicates the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle. His account of the provinces from which the tribes 
came and the ancestry of Hengest follows Bede. The importance 
of his record lies in the slight details which show a viewpoint 
very different from that of Nennius and indicate a body of 
tradition developing in a different direction from that of 
Nennius. 

The twelfth century added important contributions to the 
Hengest legend. William of Malmesbury, who finished his 
''Gesta Regum Anglorum" in 1125, began his history with an 
account of the Saxon conquest. After describing the helpless 
condition of the Britons under Vortigern he relates in much the 
manner of Aethelweard their invitation to the German tribes. 
He adds that the Britons believed the roving life of these without 
any certain habitation would lead them to accept gladly even an 
unproductive soil that would give them a stationary residence, 
and gratitude for the kindness shown them would prevent them 
from ever entertaining designs against the country. William's 
description of the country from which the invaders came is a 
very interesting addition to previous accounts. He says : — 

''Almost all the country lying to the north of the British 
ocean, though divided into ma'ny provinces, is justly called 
Germany, from its germinating so many men. And as the pruner 
cuts off the more luxuriant branches of the tree to impart a 
livelier vigor to the remainder, so the inhabitants of this country 
assist their common parent by the expulsion of a part of their 
members, lest she should perish by giving sustenance to too 
numerous an offspring; but in order to obviate discontent, they 
cast lots who shall be compelled to migrate. Hence the men of 
this country have made a virtue of necessity, and, when driven 



HENGEST 15 

from their native soil, they have gained foreign settlements by 
force of arms." 

Such a band of exiles by lot, he suggests by inference, was the 
company that came to Britain under the leadership of Hengest 
and Horsa, "two brothers of suitable disposition, and of noble 
race in their own country. ' ' Throughout his narrative William 
differs from previous chronicles by calling the invaders Angles. 
With more vividness of detail than former writers he describes 
their arrival and reception and their first battle with the Scots 
in which, he says, the Scots were put to flight ''whilst the 
cavalry pursued and destroyed the fugitives." In later en- 
counters, he states, victory constantly sided with the Angles 
until the Scots ' ' avoided nothing so cautiously as an engagement 
with them." 

Nennius's account of Hengest 's schemes for increasing his 
power is repeated by William with fuller details, but the results 
of the battles between Vortimer and Hengest are given differ- 
ently ; the first is reported as closing on equal terms, but all the 
others resulted in victory for the Angles. "After the death of 
Vortimer, Ambrosius with the powerful aid of warlike Arthur 
. . . long upheld the sinking state and roused the broken spirit 
of his countrymen to war." Hengest, however, strengthened 
by the continual arrival of new forces, gained a decisive victory 
by his treachery in slaying three hundred leaders at the banquet. 
William's story of this entertainment is not an exact reproduc- 
tion of the Nen-nius tale. He relates that after they had all 
drunk much more than usual, Hengest artfully incited them to 
quarrels and made it appear that the Britons were killed in a 
fight brought on by themselves. Hengest 's death is recorded as 
following closely this event. 

Eight years after the history of William of Malmesbury, 
appeared (1133) the "Historia Anglorum" of Henry of Hunt- 
. ingdon. In this chronicle the only significant changes in the 
story of Hengest appear in the details of the various battles 
fought. The first battle fought by the Saxons against the Scots 
and the Picts was placed at Stamford in Lincolnshire, forty 
miles from the town of that name. The Saxons are said to have 
used battle-axes and long swords which proved far superior to 
the darts and spears of the Northerners. A vivid picture is 



16 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

given of the pitiable condition of the Britons after the Saxons 
had increased in numbers and turned against them : — 

''Public and private buildings were levelled to the ground; 
the priests were everywhere slain before the altars ; the prelates 
and the people without respect of persons, were destroyed with 
fire and sword ; nor were there any to bury those who were thus 
cruelly slaughtered. Some who were taken in the mountains 
were instantly butchered; some exhausted by famine, delivered 
themselves up to the enemy, willing to undergo perpetual slavery 
in return for food, if they escaped slaughter on the spot. Some 
with grief sought refuge beyand the sea ; others cleaving to their 
native country, prolonged a wretched existence among the 
mountains, woods, and inaccessible cliffs, in want of everything 
and continually trembling for their lives." 

After the Saxons, thinking the country subdued, turned their 
attention to developing their own provinces, the Britons taking 
heart once more, gathered under the leadership of Ambrosius 
Aurelian, a ma'n of noble Koman parentage. Vortigern, who 
had met a disgraceful death in the rout of his people, had left 
two sons, Gortimer and Catiger, who acted as generals under 
Ambrosius. A battle followed in the seventh year after the 
arrival of the Saxons. At first "Horsa charged the troops of 
Catiger with such fury that they were scattered like dust before 
the wind, and the king's son was dashed to the earth and slain. 
Meanwhile his brother Gortimer, a most resolute soldier, throw- 
ing himself on the flank of Horsa's ba'nd, routed it, and their 
brave leader being slain, compelled the survivors to retreat on 
the division of Hengist, which was engaged unbroken with the 
van of the British army commanded by Ambrosius . . . who, 
straitened by the skilful advance of Gortimer, though he made 
a long resistance and caused a great loss to the Britons, at 
length — what he had never done before — fled. "* In the following 
year Gortimer died ''and with him ended the victories, and 
hopes of his countrymen." Hengest and his son Ease were 
victorious in war and reigned in the kingdom of Kent. 

Thus far the story of Hengest has developed slowly with but 
slight changes of detail and, except in the account of Nennius, 
with but little additional material. But in the pages of Geoffrey 
of Monmouth's "Historia Regum Britanniae" (1139) we come 



*Trans. Thomas Forester, Bohn ed. pp. 40-1. 



HENGEST 17 

upon a full and detailed legend including material that had 
existed before probably in oral tradition only. Geoffrey like 
Nennius made free use of floating legend and presented all 
events from a Celtic point of view. His treatment of Hengest 
is important enough to be summarized in full : — 

Const antine, king of the Britons, had three sons, Constans, 
Aurelius Ambrosius, and Uther Pendragon. Constans had been 
given over to the church at Winchester in order to be made a 
monk, but at the death of his father he was persuaded by 
Vortigern, an ambitious Earl, to assume the royal authority 
with Vortigern as chief counsellor and governor of the whole 
kingdom. The crafty Vortigern was soon established in full 
poAver since Constans proved but the shadow of a king and his 
two brothers were not yet out of the cradle. Pictish soldiers 
employed as mercenaries at the Court of Constans, led on by 
Cunning speeches of Vortigern, broke into the king's sleeping 
chamber and struck off his head. Vortigern, pretending great 
sorrow, ordered the soldiers to be seized and executed as traitors 
and, since there Avas no opposing force, assumed the crown him- 
self. Aurelius Ambrosius and Uther Pendragon were hurried 
by their faithful guardians into little Britain a'nd given over to 
the care of King Budec. The reign of Vortigern, though it met 
with no effective resistance, was troubled by incursions from the 
Picts in revenge for the fate of their countrymen and by a 
growing dread of the sons of Constantine, who were rapidly 
growing to manhood. Such was the situation when news was 
brought to Vortigern at Canterbury of the arrival of three long 
boats containing armed warriors, big of stature. When they 
appeared before him in answer to his summons he was particu- 
larly struck by their captains Hengist and Horsus who surpassed 
all the others in dignity and comeliness. In response to the 
king's inquiries Hengist "for that he was of riper years and 
readier wit than the others," declared that they came from the 
Saxon land to seek service under some prince. They had been 
banished from their country by the casting of lots to relieve 
their 'native land of an overburden of population. Since he and 
his brother were of the family of dukes they had led the expedi- 
tion under the guidance of Mercury, whom in their tongue they 
called Woden. 

Vortigern, although feeling an orthodox shudder at their 
belief, rejoiced at their coming: "For mine enemies do oppress 
me on every side, and so ye make common cause with me in the 
toils of fighting my battles, ye shall be worshipfully retained in 
my service withrn my realm, and right rich will I make ye in 
all manner of land and fee. ' ' Gladly accepting the king 's offer, 



18 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

the Saxons advanced to meet an inenrsion of the Picts from the 
north and defeated them ' ' on the further side Humber. ' ' Hen- 
gist, ' ' a politic man and a crafty, ' ' took advantage of the king 's 
gratitude a'nd his fear of Aurelius Ambrosius to ask permission 
to send for more men of Saxon race. Vortigern freely granted 
his request whereupon he asked farther for a castle so that he 
might be considered in this new land of rank equal to that he 
had held in the land from which he came. Vortigern regretfully 
admitted that since he was a foreigner and a heathen it was 
impossible to give him the rank of earl or prrnce. Thereupon 
Hengist modestly asked for a plot of ground, "so much only 
as may be compassed round about by a single thong ... So I 
may build me a high place therein whereunto if need be I may 
betake me. ' ' The king granted his petition and Hengist, taking 
a bull's hide cut it as fine as possible into a single thong and 
surrounded with it a stony place cunningly chosen and built the 
castle afterwards called in British Kaercorrei, but in Saxon, 
Thongceaste. 

The envoys soon returned from Germany with eighteen ships 
full of chose'n warriors and Hengist 's daughter Rowen, famous 
for her beautj^ At an entertainment in the new castle King 
Vortigern praised the swiftness of the building and greeted the 
new soldiers. Rowen then came forth bearing a golden cup 
filled with wine, and bending her knee to the king said : ' ' Laverd 
King, wacht heil!" The king delighted with her beauty was 
instructed by his interpreter to reply ' ' Drinc heil. ' ' The damsel 
then drank and gave the cup to the king who kissed her and 
drank, and ever since this custom has remained in Britain. 
Rowen became the wife of Vortigern in return for the province 
of Kent, and by this arrangement the king displeased his sub- 
jects and his own sons, Vortimer, Katigern, and Pascentius. 
Hengist now proposed to send for ''my son Octa and his brother 
Ebissa, ' ' who were to be given the borderland between E'ngland 
(Deira) and Scotland so that they might bear the brunt of 
northern assaults. Vortigern willingly consented, and others 
kept coming until the numbers of Hengist 's followers increased 
so greatly that the Britons began to fear them and to urge the 
king to dismiss them. Finding that Vortigern payed no attention 
to their plea, they turned to his son Vortimer who willingly 
acted as their leader and fought against the foreigners four 
pitched battles ; the first on the river Derwent ; the second at the 
ford of Episford, where Horsus and Katigern fell each wounded 
to death by the other ; and a third, on the sea coast, which ended 
in defeat for the Saxons, who fled ''sneaking away like women 
to their ships and taking refuge in the Isle of Thanet," where 
(fourth battle) they were besieged by Vortimer until they finally 



HENGEST 19 

slipped in their boats back to Germany leaving their women and 
children. 

Vortimer at once began restoring property to his countrymen, 
repairing churches, and otherwise bringing back former con- 
ditions, but Rowen, determined to work his destruction, bribed 
a person whom he trusted to give him a poisoned drink. The 
great valor of Vortimer was shown while he was in the agonies 
of death. He ordered that a brazen pyramid should be erected 
on the coast where the Saxons land and his body should be 
placed on the top so the barbarians might not dare to return; 
but the Britons disobeyed him and buried his corpse at Trino- 
vantum. Hengist, learni'ng by a messenger from Eowen of 
Vortimer 's death, raised an army of three hundred thousand 
armed men and fitted out a fleet. Vortigern and his princes, 
terrified at the news of his preparations, resolved to give battle 
and notice of this determination was sent by Rowen to her 
father. Hengist now made known to the king that his prepara- 
tions had been made on the supposition that Vortimer was still 
alive but since learning of his death, he felt safe in leaving the 
matter of numbers with Vortigern. He asked the king to name 
a day and a place of meeting so that the matter might be settled. 
Vortigern, well pleased, promised to meet Hengist and a band of 
his men near the monastery of Ambrius on the Kalends of May. 
Before the meeting Hengist commanded each of his men to have 
a long knife hidden along the sole of his boot, and announced 
that when the Britons without suspicion were discussing the 
business of the meeting, he himself would give the signal, 
' ' Nemet oure saxas, ' ' at which each should cut the throat of the 
Briton standing next him. All went according to the directions 
of Hengist and four hundred and sixty of the barons and earls 
of Vortigern were slain and their bodies buried by the blessed 
Eldad at Salisbury near the monastery of Abbott Ambrius. In 
spite of the fact that the Britons had come unarmed, not sus- 
pecting treachery, they defended themselves bravely, snatching 
stones and sticks from the ground and putting to death many of 
their betrayers. Among those who bravely resisted was Eldol, 
Earl of Gloucester, who caught up a stake and broke heads, 
arms, and legs, until he had killed seventy men, and finally 
escaped to his own city. Vortigern was bound and made to give 
up his cities and strong places as a ransom for his life. The 
Saxons then took London, York, Lincoln, and Winchester and 
ravaged the country at will, while Vortigern fled to Wales. 

At this point Geoffrey tells at great length of the building of 
Vortigern 's tower, the discovery of Merlin, and Merlin 's prophe- 
cies, all of much value as Arthurian material but only indirectly 



20 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

concerned with the Hengest story. At the close of the prophecies 
Vortigern asked Merlin to reveal the ending of his own life and 
received in answer : ' ' Two deaths await thee, nor is it clear which 
one of the twain thou mayst first escape. For upon the one side 
the Saxons will lay waste thy kingdom and will seek to compass 
thy death. Upon the other the two brethren Aurelius and 
Uther Pendragon will enter into thy land seeking to revenge 
their father 's death upon thee. ' ' 

The next morning Aurelius Ambrosius and his brother landed 
with ten thousand warriors. The scattered Britons flocked to 
the standard and the clergy anointed Aurelius as king. The 
new king with Eldol, Duke of Gloucester, who had so remarkably 
defended himself and escaped from the Saxons, besieged Vorti- 
gern and, not being able to storm the castle, burned it to the 
ground. The news of this deed struck Hengest and his Saxons 
with fear of Aurelius. They withdrew beyand the Humber and 
garrisoned the cities and castles of those parts. Aurelius fol- 
lowed them and the two forces met at a field called Maesbeli. 
Arrangements for the battle on both sides are described with 
much detail; especial stress is laid upon the desire of Eldol, 
Duke of Gloucester, to meet Hengest man to man and punish 
him for his treachery. But Hengest, after the battle had raged 
for some time saw the Britons gaining the mastery and fled to 
the Castle of Knaresborough. Aurelius pursued, and Hengest 
turned once more to meet him. At last Eldol and Hengest met 
and their conflict is described in vivid words. For a long time 
the issue was doubtful, but at last Eldol gripping Hengest by 
the nose piece of his helmet, put forth all his force and dragged 
him into the midst of the Britons crying out: "God hath ful- 
filled my desire ! Up men and down with these Ambrons before 
ye ; in your hands is the victory, for in conquering Hengest we 
have conquered them." The Saxons were soon put to flight, 
and Eldad, Bishop of Gloucester and brother of Eldol, advised 
that Hengest be hewed to pieces with the sword, as was Agag 
at the command of the prophet Samuel. ''Accordingly Eldol 
took his sword, led Hengest without the city and sent him unto 
hell with his head smitten off." 

Aurelius turned at once to the work of restoration, and among 
other results of this reign was a suitable monument to those 



HENGEST 21 

victims of Hengest's treachery buried at Salisbury. Through 
the agency of Merlin a group of immense rocks called the 
"Dance of the Giants" were brought from a mountain in Ireland 
and set up on the plains of Salisbury in a circle about the buried 
bodies. Thus Stonehenge stands as monument of Hengest's 
treachery. 



CHAPTER II 
FROM GEOFFREY TO MILTON 

One result of the Norman conquest was a greatly quickened 
interest in the keeping of records. Chronicles, written in Latin, 
occasionally in French, and later in the English vernacular, 
filled an important place in literature until they were superseded 
by the work of the critical historian. The twelfth and thirteenth 
centuries were the great period of the Latin chronicle. Inspired 
by the feeling of patriotism carefully fostered by Norman rulers, 
and supported by royal and aristocratic patronage, English 
writers put forth records of events so detailed, so varied in 
interest and so ample in range that Stubbs declares, "It is from 
the English chroniclers of this period that much of the German 
history of the time has to be written. ' '^ Every important monas- 
tic house kept its chronicle, and many individual writers 
compiled histories of the past and interpreted the life of their 
own times in their narratives of contemporary affairs. 

Naturally these chronicles differed very much in style. Most 
of them perhaps were mere dry repositories of facts, — compila- 
tions from the past and annalistie records of the present, — but 
many of them deserve to ra'nk as real literature. Such a work 
as that of Geoffrey of Monmouth had all the charm of imagina- 
tion and romance added to the serious appeal of history. Its 
influence can scarcely be exaggerated. Alfred of Beverly, 
writing shortly after its appearance, states that the "Historia 
Britonum" was so universally the subject of conversation that 
anyone ignorant of its stories was considered a mere clown. 
Henry of Huntingdon in a letter to his friend Warimes declared 
he was amazed (stupens inveni) when he discovered the work, 
and proceeded to summarize its contents and add them to his 
own history. 

But the work was not without its critics. William of New- 
burgh, whom Freeman calls the father of historical criticism. 



5 Stubbs: Lectures on Medieval and Modern History, p. 125. 

22 



HENGEST 23 

denounced it as written either ' ' from an inordinate love of lying 
or for the sake of pleasing the Britons." That at least one 
Briton was not pleased is evident from the remark of Giraldus 
Cambrensis, who referred to the "Historia" as not worth con- 
sideration and illustrated its falsity by relating the experience 
of a certain Meilerius. This unfortunate individual was so devil 
ridden that he immediately recognized anything false that ap- 
proached him. When the Gospel of John was brought near him 
the devils vanished, but when he was given Geoffrey's history 
they immediately returned in greatly increased 'numbers. How- 
ever, notwithstanding the scorn of Giraldus for Geoffrey's 
historical accuracy, he does not hesitate to use many incidents 
related in the "Historia Britonum." In fact no writer before 
the days of modern criticism departs from Geoffrey's version 
of history except to check and modify it by the accounts of 
other writers. 

His version of the Saxon Conquest became the accepted story 
of Hengest in England; even his enemies accepted it; William 
of Newburgh, his most severe judge, declared he "disguised 
under the honorable name of history, thanks to his Latinity, the 
fables about Arthur which he took from the ancient fictions of 
the Britons and increased out of his own head ... I pass by 
all the things about the Britons before the time of Julius Caesar 
which this fellow invented, or adopted after they had been 
invented by others, and wrote down for true ... It is manifest 
that everything which this person wrote about Arthur and his 
successors and his predecessors after Vortigern, was made up 
partly by himself and partly by others. " It is evident that even 
the critical William did not include the tale of Hengest in his 
denunciation. 

Writers of English history from the twelfth to the seventeenth 
century have been carefully classified by Fletcher^ on the basis 
of their treatment of the Arthurian material in Geoffrey. Since 
the Saxon conquest forms a section of this Arthurian material 
it is unnecessary to do more than to refer to this work of 
Fletcher for the detailed characterization of the long list of 
chroniclers extending through this period. An illustration, 
perhaps, of each of the four classes as outlined by Fletcher will 



24 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

give a clear understanding of the nature and extent of the 
modifications that were made. 

The first and most numerous class consists of those who make 
incidental use of very brief extracts brought in with other 
material at what the author regards as the proper point in time. 
Ralph de Diceto, Dean of St. Pauls, who lived in the stormy 
times of Thomas Becket, serves as a good illustration of this 
class. In his " Abbreviationes Chronieorum" he quotes from 
Bede the letter sent to Aetius containing "the groans of the 
Britons." Failing to gain help from the Romans, the Britons 
agreed with their ki'ng Vortigern to call to their aid the Saxon 
tribe from beyond the sea. He further quotes Bede's account 
of the invasion of the Saxons and of the three German tribes 
who colonized Britain, In a note he explains the term Germaniae 
thus: ''Omnis terra quae sub septemtrione jacet Germania 
vocatur, quia tantum virorum germinat; et Angli et alii multi 
dicuntur Germani. " The leaders of these tribes, he concludes, 
were Horsa and Hengest. Horsa, killed by the Britons, has a 
monument in Kent. 

The second class is made up of writers who include most of 
Geoffrey's narrative but break it up and tell of other things in 
connection with it. For that section of the material dealing 
with Hengest, John of Fordun offers an interesting example of 
this class. He also serves as an excellent type of the Scotch point 
of view. In the ' ' Scotichronikon " of this man whom Fletcher 
terms ' ' the discriminating father of Scottish history ' ' — written 
about 1385 — the following details appear as in Geoffrey, but 
correlated with parallel events in the annals of Scotland: Vor- 
tigern 's invitation to the Saxons, the arrival of Hengest and 
Horsa with their forces in three long boats, later arrivals from 
the three tribes (Angles, Saxons, Jutes), Hengest 's defeat of 
the northern attacks, Vortigern 's marriage to Rowen and his 
infatuation for the Saxons, the turning of the Britons from 
Vortigern and their choosing Vortimer as king, Vortimer's 
victorious campaign against Hengest in which Horsa was slain 
and Hengest was driven to the island of Thanet from whence 
he and his men escaped to Germany leaving the women and 
children, the death of Vortimer by poison at the hands of Rowen, 
the restoration of Vortigern and the consequent return of Hen- 



HENGEST 25 

gest, and finally a fairly full account of Hengest's treacherous 
slaying of the Saxons at Salisbury. An interesting point in 
this last account is the form of Hengest's war cry: "Zonre 
Sexes," — a very peculiar rendering of Geoffrey's phrase. 

Another interesting example of class two is the London printer 
Richard Grafton, whose ''Chronicle or History of England" 
appeared about two centuries later. Grafton's account includes 
all the principal details of Geoffrey in much fuller form than 
that of John of Fordun, and although matter is brought in from 
other sources, it is slight and of minor importance. The para- 
graphs describing the slaughter of the Saxons illustrate well the 
way in which he handles his sources: ''Ganfride" is paraphrased 
and quoted until the incident of Vortigern's remaining with 
Hengest as a prisoner is cited from Fabian, after which Grafton 
continues: "But the said Ganfride writeth more fuller hereof 
in this wise," and the incident is carried to its conclusion. 

Writers of the third class take from Geoffrey practically 
everything that they say of the whole period. Their work con- 
sists either of a summary of his account or of a close reproduc- 
tion. Fletcher^ cites Walter of Coventry and Bartholomew de 
Cotton as representatives and they will serve as well as others, 
since mere imitations scarcely need illustration. 

In the fourth class the chroniclers use practically all of 
Geoffrey but also draw generously upon other writers and make 
additions and correctians. Higden's ''Polychronicon" (1354) 
was perhaps the most popular of this class. Higden gives a 
general account of conditions in Britain under Vortigern and 
then cites specific passages from Geoffrey, Bede, and William 
of Malmesbury telling of the summoning of the Saxons. The 
passage from Bede relating the reinforcements from the three 
tribes follows. Henry of Huntingdon is quoted for the account 
of the first battle between the Saxons and the Scots and Picts. 
The building of ''Thuancastre" is drawn from Geoffrey and the 
compact of British food and supplies for Saxon aid in war is 
quoted from Bede. William of Malmesbury is allowed to supply 
the story of Vortigern's infatuatian for Hengest's daughter. 
The statement that Vortigern put away his legitimate wife, the 



6 Fletcher: "Arthurian Material in the Chronicles," Ch. VT. Harvard Stndies and 
Notes in Phil, and Lit. 



26 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

mother of his three sons, Vortimer, Categirn, and Pascent, 
although attributed by Higden to Geoffrey, does not occur in 
Geoffrey's narrative and must be supplied either from Alfred 
of Beverley or by Higden himself. 

Bede's statement that the Saxons turned against the Britons, 
dema'nding more pay and larger supplies, is followed by Geof- 
frey's assertion that the Britons, burdened by the multitude of 
Saxons, urged the king to send them away and, when he would 
not, made Vortimer king in his stead. The battles of Vortimer 
with Hengest, Vortimer 's death and Hengest 's subsequent return 
and death are given mainly from Geoffrey a'nd William with a 
summing up by Higden himself. As a rule Higden accepts 
Geoffrey's narrative, questioning only the evidently fabulous 
sections. He puts aside the story of Vortigern's tower, the 
fantastic birth of Merlin and his prophecies, saying they were 
contained only in "the British book," and yet he says he would 
add them to his history if he believed them true. 

Many variations from Geoffrey's narrative by later chroniclers 
are doubtless due to carelessness and wrong interpretation as 
well as to intentional change. Hengest 's command in the slaugh- 
ter at Salisbury is given in various ways: compare John of 
Fordun's "Zonre Sexes" and Richard Grafton's "Nempnith 
your sexes " ; all the proper names are given in many different 
forms, but when one considers the chances for error in the 
numerous manuscripts and the varying language equipment of 
the writers, the surprising thing is not the variations but the 
uniformity of the accounts touching this period. 

One of the most interesting of these variations is found in 
Jehan de Bourdigne "Chroniques d'Anjou et du Maine." In 
his efforts to set forth all the notable exploits of Angevine he 
produces " Bortegrimus, " "occupateur du pays d'Anjou." He 
does not hesitate to make incidents fit his purpose and to connect 
the whole story with Anjou. He says that Vortigern's gift to 
Hengest was "la ville d'Angiers et le consulat d'Anjou." Evi- 
dently he has interpreted the name "Anglous" (Hengest is 
frequently called an Angle) as referring to Angevine. Because 
Hengest is connected with Anjou his character is presented in 
a more favorable light than usual. His treachery at Salisbury 



HENGEST 27 

is interpreted as an act of vengeance brought upon themselves 
by the ingratitude of the British. 

Among later chroniclers Holinshed is of special interest 
because of his influence on literature and especially because he 
furnished so much material to Shakespeare. The debt of Holin- 
shed 's chronicle to Geoffrey's "Historia" may be estimated 
from the headings of the chapters telling of the Saxon con- 
quest : — * 



' ' Constantius the eldest sonne of Constantine having been a 
monke is created king, the ambitious & slie practises of duke 
Vortigerne to aspire to the government, he procureth certeine 
Picts and Scots to kill the king who had reteined them for the 
gard of his person, his craftie devises and deepe dissimulation 
under the pretense of innocencie, he winneth the people's harte, 
and is chosen their king. 

II 

''Vortigerne furnisheth the tower with a garrison, he be- 
wraieth his crueltie, Aurelius and Pendragon brethren to the 
late king Constantius flie into Britaine Armorike, what common 
abuses and sinnes did universally concurre with a plentiful 
yeere, the Scots and Picts revenge the death of their countrimen, 
Vortigerne is in doubt of his estate, the Britains send for suc- 
cour to the Saxons, they come under the conduct of Hengist and 
Horsus two brethren, where they are assigned to be seated, they 
vanquish the Scots, disagreement in writers touching the Saxons 
first comming into this Hand. 

Ill 

"Hengistus the Saxon shooteth at the crowne and scepter of 
the kingdome by craftie and subtile practises, a great number of 
forren people arrive in Britaine for the augmentation of his 
power, of the faire ladie Rowen his daughter, whereof Wednes- 
daie and Fridaie took their name, of the Jutes, Saxons, and 
Angles, Vortigerne being inflamed with the love of Hengist 's 
daughter forsaketh his owne wife and marrieth hir, Vortigerne 
giveth Hengist all Kent, the Saxons come over by Heaps to 
inhabit the land, the British nobilitie move the king to avoid 
them, he is deprived of his kingdom, the miserable destruction 
made by the Saxons in this land, skirmishes betwixt them and 
the Britains. 



*Holinshed's Chronicles, I, Bk. 5, pp. 551 ff. 



28 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

IV 

"Vortimer is created king in the roome of his father Vorti- 
gerne, he giveth the Saxons sore and sharpe battels, a combat 
fought between Catigerne the brother of Vortimer, and Horsus 
the brother of Hengist, wherein they were both slaine, the 
Britains drive the Saxons into the He of Tenet, Rowen the 
daughter of Hengist procureth Vortimer to be poisoned, the 
Saxons return into Germanic as some writers report, they joine 
with the Scots and Picts against the Britains and discomfit them. 

V 

''Vortigerne is restored to his regiment, in what place he 
abode during the time of his sonnes reigne, Hengist with his 
Saxons re-enter the land, the Saxons and Britains are appointed 
to meet on Salisburie Plaine, the privie treason of Hengist and 
his power whereby the Britains were slaine like sheepe, the man- 
hood of Edol earle of Glocester, Vortigerne is taken prisoner, 
Hengist is in possession of three provinces of this land, a 
description of Kent." 

The remaining chapters treat of the Pelagian heresy, Vorti- 
gern's tower, and other matters but distantly connected with 
Hengest, noting the death of Hengest as related by Geoffrey 
and citing also varying accounts of other writers. It is inter- 
esting to note how nearly his account agrees throughout with 
Geoffrey's. 

We find even the critical mind of Milton following i'n the main 
the line of established tradition. His ''History of England to 
the Norman Conquest," written in 1639 soon after he became 
blind, falls under the fourth class of chronicles, those which like 
Higden's " Polychronico'n, " make much use of Geoffrey but 
check and curb his account by passages from other writers. 
Milton begins the section we are considering with the statement : 
"Vortigern who at the time was chief rather than sole king 
... is said by him of Monmouth to have procured the death 
first of Constantine, then of Consta'ns his son, who of a monk 
was made king, and by that means to have usurped the crown. ' '^ 
This statement is checked by reference to Roman history and, 
throughout the entire account, Bede, Nennius, Ethelwerd, 
Malmesbury are called upon and the Anglo-Saxon chronicle is 
quoted for the events it registers. He closes by recording (in 

7 Page 74. 



HENGEST 29 

489) the death of Hengest, "the first Saxon king of Kent noted 
to have attained the dignity by craft as much as valour, and 
giving scope to his own cruel nature, rather than proceeding by 
mildness a'nd civility." 

Only a few of the long list of chroniclers following Geoffrey 
have been brought forward in this section, but a better under- 
standing of the treatment given the Hengest story may be gained 
from the illustrations of Fletcher's four classes cited above, 
than could possibly be gathered from a bewildering number of 
miscellaneous quotations. The difficulty of presenting any co- 
herent idea from such a mass of material has been well expressed 
by Holinshed: "But diverse such maner of contrarieties shall 
ye find, in perusing of those writers that have written the chron- 
icles of the Britains and Saxons, the which in every point to 
recite, would be too tedious and combersome a matter, and there- 
fore we are forced to passe the same over, not knowing how to 
bring them to a'nie just accord for the satisfieing of all mens 
minds, speciallie the curious, which may with diligent search 
satisfie themselves happilie much better, than anie other shall 
be able to doo in uttering his opinion never so much at large, 
and agreeable to a truth. This therefore have we thought good 
as it were by the waie to touch what diverse authors doo write, 
leaving it so to everie mans judgement to construe thereof, as his 
affection leadeth him." 



CHAPTER III 

IN ROMANCE AND VERSE 

Milton took pains to explain that the fabulous early history 
of Britain contained at best only ' ' relics of something true ' ' and 
yet he declared, ''I have determined to bestow the telling over 
of these reputed tales; be it for nothing else but in favour of 
our English poets, and rhetoricians, who by their art will know 
how to use them judiciously. ' ' There is no evidence that Milton 's 
history served as an inspiration to poets and romancers, but 
Geoffrey's certainly did, and the figure of Hengest plays a part 
in metrical chronicles written with the spirit of the chanson de 
geste, in romances such as the Brut and Merlin, and in verse, — 
even in such verse as Spenser's Faerie Queene. 

As early as 1150 Geoffrey Gaimar, an Anglo-Norman living 
in the north of England, paraphrased Geoffrey of Monmouth 
in his ''L'Estorie des Engles." He begins, however, with the 
arrival of Cerdic and refers only to ''Hengis" as a "Seisne." 

Five years later Wace completed his ' ' Roman de Brut ' ' ; also 
a Norman French verse romance based upon Geoffrey's "His- 
toria." Wace made no pretense of confining his work to the 
statements of previous writers ; he described scenes, characterized 
persons, and filled in details that seemed needed for literary 
effect. Instead of the mere statement of Constantine 's death he 
gives a vivid picture of a treacherous Pict employed in the 
king's household who drew the king aside into a garden on pre- 
tence of revealing some secret matter and approaching close to 
the king's ear, drew a knife "and smote him so shrewdly that 
he died, ' ' Among the councillors of the realm, uncertain whom 
to choose as ki'ng since Constant was a monk and Aurelius and 
Uther were infants, Vortigern appears with a definite plan. He 
is characterized as a Welsh earl, strong in body, rich in goods 
and kin, courteous in speech and prudent in counsel; skill in 
intrigue is suggested in the statement, "long since had he made 
straight the road that he coveted to tread." He boldly offered 

30 



HENGEST 31 

to take upon his soul alone the sin of drawing Constant from 
his abbey, rode swiftly to Winchester, and drew the willing 
monk "with a strong hand" from the monastery, none daring 
to gainsay his deed. Passing immediately to London, without 
the aid of Bishop or holy oil he crowned his puppet king. 

Constant is presented as very desirous of reigning: ''Little 
love had he for his abbey. Right weary was he of choir and 
psalter." Yet he makes no attempt to be a real ruler or to 
perform any of the duties of a king, but puts everything into 
Vortigern 's hands and adopts without question every suggestion. 
He is weak, pleasure loving, a'nd absolutely without training 
except that of the cloister. His incapacity as a ruler is shown 
in his words to Vortigern : ' ' Thou art wiser than I. I give you 
all the realm to thy keeping . . . Cities and manors, goods and 
treasure, they are thine as constable. Thy will is my pleasure. ' ' 

But not content with being the real ruler, Vortigern desired 
the crown for himself. His plan as developed by Wace was one 
of clever subtlety. He summoned a body of Picts from Scotland 
under the pretence of making them a protection against ''the 
sea-folk from Norway and from the country of the Danes" who 
are threatening to descend upon the kingdom. After the Picts 
became a part of the king's household, Vortigern used every 
device to attach them to himself, until the rude warriors declared 
openly that he was better fitted for the throne than was the 
king. Finally one day when they had sat long at their cups 
Vortigern came to them sadly, pretending that he must leave 
them and seek his fortune in distant lands since he had spent all 
he had upon their support and the king allowed him so little 
that he had nothing left to give them; but if fortune favored 
him he would seek them out and share his means with them 
again. As soon as he left them his suggestions began to take 
effect. "Let us slay this renegade monk, this shaveling, and 
raise Vortigern to his seat;" and they rushed into the king's 
chamber and struck off his head. Hurryi-ng after Vortigern, 
they displayed the head of the king, crying, "We forbid you to 
go from amongst us. Take now the crown and become our 
king. ' ' Vortigern no longer needing the good will of the Picts, 
pretended great sorrow and anger and, summoning the council- 
lors, caused at once all the heads of the Picts to be struck off. 



32 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

Thereupon, in spite of secret suspicion against him which was 
indicated by the flight of Aurelius and Uther, Vortigern became 
king. 

Thus far Vortigern is characterized by Wace as a clever 
though unscrupulous schemer and a man bold a'nd strong in 
action. From this point he degenerates and becomes the victim 
of conditions he has created and Hengest becomes the hero who 
bends circumstances to his will. The Saxons are described as 
fair of face and comely of person; Hengest and Horsa as "two 
brethren of mighty stature a'nd outland speech. They came into 
the king's presence and did reverence with a proud bearing 
. . . Shapely were they of body, taller and more comely than 
any youth he knew." Hengest is called the elder and mightier 
of the brethren. His strength and craftiness are developed with 
more fullness and consistency than were the same qualities in 
Vortigern and without the stigma of disloyalty. In fact, Wace 
pauses for the direct comment that Hengest 's seeking to turn 
affairs to his own profit "was his undoubted right." Hengest 
is given the characteristic qualities of a Norman baron; Thong- 
castle is a Norman keep with "towers, strong a'nd fair" con- 
structed by "good masons." Even the slaying of the Britons 
leaves no stain on Hengest 's honor as a knight, since they are 
his professed enemies and deceiving them is military strategy. 
With a thrifty combination of loyalty and personal profit he 
stands between the Saxons and Vortigern, crying, "Harm not 
the king, for nothing but good have I received at his hand, and 
much has he toiled for my profit. How then shall I suffer my 
daughter's lord to die such a death! Rather let us hold him to 
ransom, and take freely of his cities and walled places in return 
for his life." 

Rowena is visualized as "a maiden yet unwed, and most 
marvelously fair . . . sweetly arrayed and right dainty to see, 
bearing in her hand a brimming cup of wine." She was "gra- 
cious of body and passing fair of face, dainty and tall and plump 
of her person. She stood before the king in a web of fine raiment 
and ravished his eyes beyond measure. ' ' 

Vortimer's characterization is very slight. He is the typical 
soldier patriot who rouses the Britons and clears the country 
of its oppressors. He is easily entrapped by Rowena and has 



HENGEST 33 

not made sufficient impression on his followers to make them 
fulfill his dying command. 

Many details are supplied by Wace to make the story plausible 
and vivid. Vortigern's wife had long been "dead and at 
peace. ' ' In the meeting at Salisbury plain ' ' those who gripped 
the knives thrust the keen blades through cloak and mantle, 
breast and bowels, till there lay upon back or belly in that place 
nigh upon four hundred and sixty men of the richest and most 
valiant lords in the kingdom." ''Eldof, Earl of Gloucester got 
a great club in his right hand, which he found lying at his feet. ' ' 
When Aurelius was besieging Vortigern "Aurelius and Eldof 
laced them i'n their mail. They made the wild fire ready and 
caused men to cast timber in the moat, till the deep fosse was 
filled. When this was done they flung wild fire from their 
engines upon the castle. . . . The castle flared like a torch ; the 
flames leaped in the sky; the houses tumbled to the ground; 
. . . the king was burned with fire . . . and the king's wife 
who was so marvelously fair. ' ' In the final battle between Eldof 
a'nd Hengest, ''The two closed together with naked brands and 
lifted shields, smiting and guarding. Men forgot to fight, and 
stared upon them, watching the great blows fall and the gleaming 
swords. " 

But even more than Wace amplified and developed Geoffrey's 
narrative, Layamon enlarged upon the work of Wace. His 
' ' Brut, ' ' finished in 1205, took up the story of Hengest with the 
same incident used by Wace, — the killing of Constantine by a 
treacherous Pict; but Layamon, not satisfied with merely relat- 
ing the incident, makes it dramatic; he gives action, speech, 
manner ; and works up the details to the tragic end. More detail 
also is used to picture the canf usion that followed : ' ' mickle 
sorrow spread to the folk ; then were the Britons busy in thought ; 
the king's two sons little they were both, — Ambrosie could 
scarcely ride on horse and Uther his brother still sucked his 
mother; Constance, the eldest, wore monk's clothes in Winches- 
ter; the landfolk came to London to their busting; then chose 
they Aurelia Ambrosie. ' ' 

At this crisis Vortiger is made to appear. Layamon 's charac- 
terization of him differs from that of Wace i'n laying less 
emphasis on his strength and stressing more his craftiness and 



34 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

evil nature. Almost with the regularity of a refrain such lines 
follow the mention of ''Vortiger" as "gep man and swithe 
war," or ''he was wis and sw^ithe war," or ''of moehe uvele he 
was war. ' ' And Layamon does not depend on direct statement 
to carry conviction but he shows Vortiger working out his evil 
plots. He makes the Welsh earl complete his plan to make 
Constance king by trickery rather than by straightforward force 
of will. First Vortigern persuades the council to wait two weeks 
before they crown Ambrosius; then riding to Winchester he 
pretends great affection for Constance and wins his consent to 
forsake his vows and take up the sceptre. The scene in the 
monastery is very definitely pictured, Vortiger causes Con- 
stance to exchange garments with one of the forty knights in his 
retinue and then he holds the false monk in conversation in the 
"speech house" while Constance escapes. "Monks passed up- 
ward, monks passed downward ; they saw by the way the swain 
with monk's clothes; the hood hanged down as if he hid his 
crown ; they all weened that it were their brother, who sat there 
so sorry in the speech house in the daylight, among all the 
knights." At last, when Constance was safely away, Vortiger 
departed. The monks found the heap of garments by the wall 
and the abbot leaped on his horse and overtook the Earl. 
Vortiger swore to hang the abbot unless he consented to unhood 
Constance, and his threats prevailed. 

No less dramatic is the way in which Vortiger presents 
Constance to the council. Dressed in royal garments and hidden 
with twelve knights, the unfrocked monk waited his cue to 
appear. Vortiger allowed the Britons to weary themselves with 
debate, then quickly and sharply told what he had done, had 
monks ready to witness that Constance had been freed from his 
vows and held out the crown to Constance, who had instantly 
appeared, and cried "Whoso will this withsay, he shall buy it 
dear ! ' ' 

Layamon 's treatment of this incident is typical of the way he 
makes use throughout of Wace's account. He is fuller, more 
concrete, and much more dramatic. He gives more direct dis- 
course, and the speeches are longer and characterize the speakers 
more definitely. He!ngest is presented with much the same 
qualities that Wace gives him. The Old English device of 



HENGEST 35 

epithet is used to accompany his name as well as that of Vortiger ; 
he is ' ' Hengest, cnihten aire hendest, " or " cnihten aire f eirest ; ' ' 
or with lengthening to three lines ''fairest of all knighte, . . . 
in all this kingdom is not a knight so tall 'nor so strong," and 
"fairest of all knights who lived of heathen law in those days." 

Hengest's rank is stressed and his courage and subtlety are 
emphasized by many details. In going to court, ' ' Hengest went 
before, and Hors next of all to him, then the Alemainish men, 
who were noble in deeds, and afterwards their brave Saxish 
knights, Hengest 's kinsmen of his old race ; ' ' and again : ' ' There 
came Hengest, there came Hors, there came many a man full 
brave. ' ' In battle against the Picts, it was safety to the Britons 
that Hengest was there. . . . "for very many Peohtes they 
slew in the fight; fiercely they fought, the fated fell! When 
the noon was come the Peohtes fled ; on each side they forth fled, 
and all day they fled, many and without number." But it was 
not bravery alone that gave Hengest his ascendency over Vor- 
tiger, for he outdid even that crafty Briton in subtlety, and 
Layamon furnishes details that make his subtlety very con- 
vincing. In gaining land for his castle, "He had a wise man 
who well knew of craft, w^ho took his hide, and laid it on a 
board, and whet his shears ... of the hide he carved a thong 
very small and very long ... as it were a thread of twine; 
when the thong was all slit, it was wondrously long; about 
therewith he encompassed a great deal of land." Of course 
the trick is the same as given by Geoffrey and Waee, but the 
process here is shown so clearly that we are much more impressed 
by its cleverness. 

In describing "Eouwenne,r" Layamon does not give all the 
personal details that are found in Wace, but he calls her fairest 
of women and adds that she was clad with excessive pride, her 
clothes were embroidered with gold, and the wine bowl was of 
gold. In the poisoning of Vortimer her procedure is given 
minutely with details befitting a Borgia, She filled from a tun 
of the most precious wine (while men were drinking and harps 
were resounding i'n the hall) a bowl of red gold and advancing 
to the king before all the company, greeted him thus: "Lord 
king, Wassail, for thee I am most joyful." Then she drank 
half of the wine and, as she finished drinking, secretly emptied 



36 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

into it the contents of a golden phial filled with poison which 
she had carried in her bosom. As she passed the bowl to the 
king immediately after taking it from her lips, he drank without 
suspicion and did not know that he was poisoned until the com- 
pany had dispersed and Rowenne had fled and was fast enclosed 
in her own castle. 

Another characteristic of Layamon's romance is the remark- 
able way in which it retains the spirit of Old English verse. 
Especially is this true of the battle passages. At times the very 
language seems an echo of the older phrasing. When during 
the slaughter of the Britons the fate of Vortigern is described — 
"woe was the king alive , . . Hengest grasped him with his 
grim grip" — we are reminded of Grendel in the terrible hand 
grip of Beowulf or of Finn who in his own haU experienced the 
grim grip of vengeance. Hengest 's last battle might, except for 
the rhyme, be mistaken for a passage of Old English heroic 
verse. Before the forces meet, Hengest makes his ' ' gylp- 
spraec;" "Better are fifty of us than of them five hundred, — 
that they many times have found. ' ' Aldolf makes a vow to the 
ruler of dooms to avenge his kindred slain by the long saexes at 
Ambresbury. Scarcely are his words spoken when Hengest and 
his host appeared over the down; "fiercely they marched; 
together they came ; terribly they slew. Helms resounded ; war- 
riors fell, steel struck against bone; streams of blood flowed in 
the ways, the fields were stained, the grass made fallow." At 
last Aldolf comes upon Hengest and smites so mightily that 
Hengest 's shield is shivered in two. "Then Hengest leaped 
like a lion and smote upon Aldolf 's helm so that it parted. Then 
heAved they with swords, — the strokes were grim ; fire flew from 
the steel." When Hengest is finally taken Aldolf shouts in 
triumph : ' ' Hengest, it is not so merry for thee now as it was by 
Ambresbury, where thou drewest the saexes, and slew my 
kindred ! ' ' 

All of the qualities that have been spoken of as peculiar to 
Layamon appear in his account of Stonhenge. Many concrete 
details are added in relating the efforts of Aurelius to provide a 
suitable monument for the fallen Britons. A dramatic interview 
between the king and Merlin resulted in the decision to send an 
army of fifteen thousand knights with "Uther the good" as 



HENGEST 37 

leader to Ireland. '* And the brave knights took the haven ; they 
went upon the sea strand and beheld Ireland. Then spake 
Merlin : ' See ye now, brave men, the great hill so exceeding high 
that it is full nigh to the welkin. That is the marvelous thing; 
it is named the giant's ring (Eotinde Ring), to each work 
unlike, — it came from Africa.' " But Gillomaur, king of Ire- 
land, who was most strong, heard that Britons had come to fetch 
the stones and "made mickle derision and scorn" and swore by 
St. Brandan they should not ' ' carry away our stone ' ' but should 
"spill the blood out of their bellies" and so be taught to seek 
stones; "And afterwards I will go into Britain and say to the 
king Aurelie, that my stones I will defend and unless he do as 
I will, I will carry the fight into his land; make him waste 
paths and wildernesses many; widows enow, — their husbands 
shall die, ' ' — a very fair ' ' gylp-spraec ' ' but one destined not to 
be carried out. The armies came together and fought fiercely, — 
the fated fell, but the Irish were defeated and the king was 
shamed ; thus ended his boast, — he fled to the wood and let his 
folk fall: seven thousand lay deprived of life. The Britons 
went to their tents and worthily took care of their good weapons 
and rested as Merlin counseled them. On the fourth day a 
thousand picked knights approached the hill and viewed the 
marvelous work ; then with strong sailropes and trees great and 
long they wreathed with utmost strength one stone ; they labored, 
with mickle strength but they had not power to make one stone 
stir. After this Merlin caused Uther to assemble all the knights 
and draw them back so that none should be near the stones ; and 
Merlin went thrice about, within and without, and moved his 
tongue as if he sung his beads; next he called Uther and his 
knights to come quickly and lift all the stones. They obeyed 
and carried the stones like featherballs to the ships and brought 
them to Ambresbury where Merlin reared them as they stood 
before; never any other man could do the craft. "Then was 
the king wondrous blithe and on Whitsunday he made there a 
feast. There on the weald, over the broad plain tents were 
raised, — nine thousand tents and the place was hallowed that 
was formerly called Aelinge but now hight Stonehenge. " 

With Layamon the Hengest legend in England is practically 
complete. The various treatments that follow belong to what 



38 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

may be called the period of translation and imitation. There 
are many interesting variations and modifications of Layamon 's 
version, but Hengest is no longer the center of interest; the 
romancers turn their attention to Arthur and Merlin and there 
is no more expansion of details relating to Hengest, — on the 
contrary he is made a'n increasingly subordinate figure until he 
is gradually dropped altogether from the Arthurian cycle. He 
does, however, retain a fairly important position in all the Brut 
manuscripts and one of some interest in the various Merlin 
romances. 

The most important form of the Brut after Layamon is the 
French prose "Brut d 'Engleterre, " composed about 1272 and 
translated into English in the early part of the fifteenth cen- 
tury.* In this very popular romance king Vortiger was not 
only beset by Picts but was at the same time threatened by a 
host assembled under Aurilambros and Uter when tidings were 
brought him that a great navy of strangers had arrived in Kent. 
Messengers sent to them by the king were received by "two 
brethren, prynces and maistres," one called Engist and the 
other Horn. These leaders said that they came from Saxoyne, 
the land of Germayne, where it was the custom, because of the 
many people, to send out the boldest and best after giving them 
"horse and harneyse, armure, and al thing that have nedeth," 
into other countries to find homes for themselves as their ances- 
tors did before them. "And therfore, sire king," they con- 
cluded, "if ye have ought to done with oure company, we bene 
comen into youre lande ; and with gode wille you wil serve, and 
your lande helpe, kepe, & defende from youre enemys, if that 
you nedeth." 

Vortiger gladly accepted the proffered service and the 
strangers "delyverede the lande clene of here enemys." After 
this follows the Thongcastle incident, the wassail incident with 
Vortigern's giving of Kent for Rowene, and the crowning of 
Vortimer by the Britons. Three battles are mentioned against 
the Saxons; "the ferst was in Kent . . . the secunde was att 
Tettef ord ; and the thridde was in a shire a this half Cool, in a 
more. & in this batail ham mette Cattegren and Horn, Engistes 



*"The Brut." E. E. T. S., Grig. Series, Vol. 131. 



HENGEST 39 

brother, so that everyche of ham slough other; but forasmuche 
as the contre was geven longe bifore to Horn through Vortyger, 
tho he hade spousede his cosyn; there he hade made a faire 
castel that men callede Horncastel, after his owen name." In 
revenge for his brother's death, Vortimer destroyed this castle 
and drove Hengest and his people out of the land. 

"Konewenne the Queue," after bribing servants to poison 
Vortimer, "sent prively by lettre to Engist . . . that he shulde 
come ageyne into that land, wel arraide with miche peple, forto 
avenge him uppon the Britons, and to wynne his land ageyne. ' ' 
The traditional trick of Hengest in the slaughter of Salisbury 
is repeated with the consequent subjugation of the land by the 
Saxons. The statement is also made that Hengest caused the 
name to be changed from "Britaig'ne" to ''Engistes land" and 
divided the country into seA'^en kingdoms each under its own 
king in order that it might be so strongly protected ''that the 
Britons shulde never after come therein." The remainder of 
the tale follows tradition without going into detail; it is even 
briefer tha'n the account in Geoffrey. 

In the Merlin romances there is a noticeable tendency, as in 
the instance previously cited (Ch. I, notes 2 to 3), to subordinate 
Hengest and his affairs. The Middle English prose romance, 
translated about 1450 from the French prose of Robert de Boron, 
referring to him as a Dane calls him Angier and says of him 
only that he served the king "trewly till he had made ende of 
his werre" and that Vortiger "took oone of Anglers doughters 
to his wif." Later in the tale after Pendragon is made king, 
we learn that "the Danoys that Vortiger had brought in to the 
lande werred sore upon the erislen people. And Pendragon 
beseged Aungier in the eastell of the Vyses." When they 
sought counsel of Merlin they were told: "Go to your prynce, 
and telle him that he shall never wynne the Castell till Aungier 
be slain." Later Avhen the king was anxiously awaiting mes- 
sengers from Merlin, a comely man appeared before him and 
announced: "Wite thow wele that Aungier is ded, for thy 
brother Uter hath hym slayne." Soon after messengers arrived 
who told how Uter had slain Aungier. When Merlin was finally 
found and questianed as to how he had gained his knowledge he 
replied: "Anoon as ye were departed fro your oste, to come 



40 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

hider, Aungiers wolde have morderid thi brother in his teinte. 
And I went to the brother, and warned him of Aungiers purpos, 
and of his strengthie, and how he wolde come by nyght hym-self 
to his teynte, formeste of his company. And the brother dide 
not mystruste me, but made good waieche all that nyght, sole be 
him-self, till that Aungiers com with a knyf in his honde, to see 
thi brother. And Uter let him entre into his teynte, and serched 
aboute; but he fonde not Uter ther-in, Wherefore he was sory. 
And at the comynge owte, thi brother fought with hym, and 
slowe hym with his owne handes. ' ' 

About the same time (1450) a rhyming version of the French 
prose Merlin was made by Henry Lonelich (or Herry Lovelich, 
E. E. T. S. Extra Series XCIII), skinner and citizen of London. 
The details given are practically the same as those just cited. A 
good idea of the relation it bears to the English prose Merlin 
may be gained from comparing the passages describing Hengest's 
death : — 

' ' Sire, quod Merlyne, as it 'not ben scholde, 
Augwys uter mordred han wolde, 
Anon to thy brother i wente in hye, 
and told hym al his purpos utterlye, 
and how that augwys hym ordey'nede to slet; 
al this i told hym, ful Sykerle, 
and yit he ne wolde not me beleve, 
tyl that the sothe him-selve dede preve. 
so that yowre brothir wook alone al nyht, 
tyl that the sothe he preven myht, 
and evere awayted the comenge 
of Augwis, that was so crewel a kinge. 
thanne atte laste cam this haugwis 
into uteris pavyloun, that was of prys. 
and youre brothir let hym entren anon, 
with a scharpe knyf drawen, into his won, 
hym forto haven slayn verayment. 
so that uter he sowhte a abowtes the tent, 
but he ne cowde hym not Fjoide, 
wherfore he mornede in his mynde. 
and owt agen he wolde han gon, 



HENGEST 41 

but youre brothir mette with him anon. 

So there fowten they to-gederis, in certayn, 

that uter, youre brothir, hath hym slayn. ' ' 

In the age of Shakespeare we find the story of Hengest 
embedded in two very interesting verse forms: Drayton's 
"Polyolbion" and Spenser's "Faerie Queene." The ''Polyol- 
bion" (1622) attempts to ''digest into a poem" a ' ' chorographi- 
cal description" of Great Britain "with intermixture of the 
most Remarkeable Stories, Antiquities, Wonders, Rarities, 
Pleasures, and Commodities of the same." In his fourth book 
Drayton imagines a musical tournament between England and 
Wales. The English first turn to Glastonbury 

' ' And humbly to Saint George their Country 's Patron pray 
To prosper their design now, in this mighty day." 

The Britons, fully as devout address their petitions to St. David 
and 

"Thus either, well-prepar 'd the other's pow'r before. 
Conveniently being placed upon their equal shore ; 
The Britons to whose lot the onset doth belong. 
Give signal to the foe for silence to their song. ' ' 

Their song, of course, is of Arthur, "their most renowned 
knight ' ' ; — of his sword ' ' Escalaboure ' ' ; his spear ' ' Rone ' ' ; and 
his shield "Pridwin" ; of his round table, his wars, and especially 

"The several twelve pitched Fields he with the Saxons fought 
The certain day and place to memory they brought." 

The English, attempting to interrupt, are overborne by the 
courageous spirit of the bards who bend to their " well-tun 'd 
Harps" and sing 

' ' How Merlin by his skill, and magic 's wondrous might, 
From Ireland hither brought the Stonendge in a night." 

But at last they finish and the English 

"that repin'd to be delay 'd so long. 
All quickly at the hint, as with one free consent, 
Strook up at once and sung each to the instrument ; 



42 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 



Of Germanic they su'ng the long and ancient fame, 
From whence their noble Sires the valiant Saxons came, 
Who sought by sea and land adventures far and near ; 
And seizing at the last upon the Britons here, 
Surpriz'd the spacious Isle, which still for theirs they hold. 



And as they boast themselves the Nation most unmix 'd, 
Their language as at first, their ancient customs fix'd. 
The people of the world most hardy, wise and strong ; 
So gloriously they show, that all the rest among 
The Saxons of her sorts, the very noblest were." 

In the "Eleventh Song" the praise of the Saxons is given in 
more detail: — 

"Nor were the race of Brute, which ruUd here before. 
More zealous to the Gods they brought unto this shore 
Than Hengist's noble heirs; their idols that to raise. 
Here put their German names upon our weekly days. 
These noble Saxons were a nation hard and strong. 
On sundry lands and seas in warfare nuzzled long; 
Affliction thoroughly knew; and in proud Fortune's spite, 
Even in the jaws of Death had dar'd her utmost might: 
Who under Hengist first, and Horsa, their brave Chiefs, 
From Germany arriv'd, and with the strong reliefs 
Of th' Angles and the Jutes, them ready to supply. 
Which anciently had been of their affinity. 
By Scythia first sent out which could not give them meat, 
Were forc'd to seek a soil wherein themselves to seat. 
Them at the last on Danah their ling 'ring fortune drave, 
AVhere Hoist unto their troops sufficient harbour gave. 
These with the Saxons went, and fortunately wan : 
Whose Captain, Hengist, first a kingdom here began 
In Kent; where his great heirs, ere other Princes rose 
Of Saxony's descent, their fulness to oppose, 
With swelling Humber's side their empire did confine." 

But Drayton's references to Hengest although interesting do 



HENGEST 43 

not give us so connected an account as is found in the Faerie 
Queene, In the second book toward the close of canto IX Sir 
Guyon and his companion have found in the chamber of Eum- 
nestes "an au'ncient booke, hight Briton Moniments" and 
*' burning with fervent fire their country's ancestry to under- 
stand," they are given permission by the lady Alma to read. 
Here they find the story of Vortigern who 

' ' sent to Germany strange aid to rear ; 
From whence eftsoons arrived here three hoys 
Of Saxons, whom he for his safety employs. 

' ' Two brethren were their capitains, which hight 
Hengist and Horsus, well approv'd in war, 
And both of them men of renowned might ; 
Who making vantage of their civil jar, 
And of those foreigners which came from far 
Grew great, and got large portions of land. 
That in the realm ere long they stronger are 
Than they which sought at first their helping hand, 
And Vortiger enforc'd the kingdom to aband. 

' ' But by the help of Vortimere his son. 
He is again unto his rule restored; 
And Hengist seeming sad for that was done. 
Received is to grace and new accord. 
Through his fair daughter's face and flatt'ring word. 
Soon after which, three hundred lords he slew 
Of British blood, all sitting at his board ; 
Whose doleful monuments who list to rue, 
Th ' eternal marks of treason may at Stonehenge view. 

''By this the sons of Consta'ntine, which fled, 
Ambrose and Uther, did ripe years attain. 
And, here arriving, strongly challenged 
The crown which Vortiger did long detain ; 
Who, flying from his guilt, by them was slain ; 
And Hengist eke soon brought to shameful death 
Thenceforth Aurelius peaceably did reign. 
Till that through poison stopped was his breath ; 
So 'now entombed lies at Stonehenge by the heath." 



CHAPTER IV 
IN FRISIAN TRADITION 

Toward the close of the sixteenth century a considerable body 
of tradition had been connected with the name of Hengest by 
Frisian writers. According to them he was the son of Udolphus 
Haron, the last duke of the Frisians. Suffridus Petrus, who 
appears to have been one of the foremost historians in North 
Holland at the beginning of the seventeenth century, gives the 
following account of Frisian history and historical writers.^ 
Hancon Fortemannus, a Frisian in the time of Charlemagne 
wrote commentaries upon his expeditions through Greece, Anglia, 
Scotia and other places. A little earlier under the same emperor, 
Sulco Fortemannus, a man of nobility, excellent in learning and 
ability to write, composed a historical work in the Latin tongue 
including the history of all the tribes from Frise to Radbod II. 
On account of his frankness of statement (he praised Gundebald 
the Christian brother of the king more than the monarch him- 
self) he was thrown into prison by Radbod but was afterwards 
liberated by Charlemagne. This work, burned in the presence 
of the author, was not passed on to posterity entire, but certain 
scraps and torn fragments, saved from the flames were collected 
by Occo Scharlensis, his direct descendant, and were put in 
order and filled out. 

After these Cappidus of Stavora, {ca. 920) a priest, wrote the 
whole history of his race collected from all the Frisian writers 
before named and many others. Of this work, which was lost 
as a whole, some parts were preserved by a certain Andreas 
Gryphius, who lived about 1574 A. D. Then Occo Scharlensis, 
(of Scarl in the district of Geestano) a member of the noble 
family of Takema, having carefully collected What he could find 
of the writings of his ancestor Sulco Fortemannus, reduced them 
to order and as far as he was able by learning and industry 



8 Cf . Ubbo- Emmius: "De Origine atque Antiquitatibns Frisiorum, contra Suffridi 
Petri & Bernard! Fnrmerii," etc., p. 14ff. 

44 



HENGEST 45 

filled out the gaps and supplemented them by later occurrences. 
Thus he produced in the Latin language a continuous series of 
events from, the earliest people to his own time. He wrote 
about 970. His work lay unknown and unpublished among the 
possessions of the Takema family for four hundred years when 
John Vlieterpius (1370), who had himself collected material con- 
cerning the antiquities of his native la'nd, came upon it and used 
it to produce a work giving a continuous history in the Belgic 
tongue to the year 1370, his own time. This volume, unknown 
and so carelessly kept that parts of it became almost illegible, 
fell at last into the hands of Andreas Cornelius, who will be 
spoken of later. 

Thirty years after Vlieterpius, M. Alvi'nus Snecanus wrote in 
the Belgian tongue a compendium (in rhyme) of Frisian history 
from the origin of the people to the time of Charlemagne. A 
hundred years later, — that is, about 1500 — Folckerus Simonis, 
rector of the School at Sneca, compiled a chronicle of the 
Frisians in Latin, and about the same time Suffridus Rodolfus 
Sterkenburgius collected the antiquities of Friesland from the 
earliest times and wrote a complete history to his own times. 
This latter work was scattered after the death of its author and 
only torn relics of it were recovered by his grandson Suffridus 
Petrus. 

About the same time also (1500) Martinus Carmelita wrote 
an * ' elogia nobilium Frisionum ; ' ' and a little later two Taborita 
monks, Henry and Vorperus, wrote records of Frisian affairs 
from the beginning to their own age ; the first closing with the 
year 1508, the latter 1530. Idsard Gravius also composed a 
chronicle of his people in the interval between that of Henry 
and that of Vorperus. 

Finally Andreas Cornelius, organist at Harlingen, who died 
in this same town in 1589, prepared in 1566 a volume in Belgic 
on Frisian affairs from the earliest times to his own, in which 
he made use of these earlier writers. It is this succession of 
writers, Suffridus would have us believe, to whom we owe a 
knowledge of Frisian affairs in the early centuries of our era. 
Writing of Hengest, Suffridus attempts to reconcile the British 
chronicles, which call him a Saxon, and Frisian accounts, which 
claim him as a Frisian prince, by explaining that the genealogy 



46 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

given by Bede applied to his maternal ancestry. Vergistus (the 
son of Vitta, the son of Vecta, the son of Voden) was the father 
of Suana, Hengest's mother, 

Udolphns Haron was se'nt by his father Odibold, the governing 
duke of Frisia, into Angria to be trained by Yglo Lascon in the 
exercise of arms in real battles. At this time there was living 
near Hamburg the satrap Vergistus, and Udolphus Haron, visit- 
ing Saxony, met Suana the daughter of Vergistus, and married 
her with the consent of her parents. 

Shortly after, upon the death of his father Odilbald, he 
became the seventh and last duke of the Frisians, since his 
successor Richoldus Uffo, proud of his triumphs over the Danes, 
assumed the title of king. To Duke Udolphus were born two 
sons, the elder of whom was named Hengest and the younger 
Horsus in memory of two brothers of Suana who had died before 
her marriage. Vergistus adopted these two grandsons in the 
place of the sons he had lost ; hence it is not surprising, especially 
in view of their later career, that they became known as Saxons. 

Their natural father Udolphus sent them, as soon as they 
were of suitable age, to the court of the emperor Valentinian to 
be trained in letters and to be disciplined in arms and in all 
matters pertaining to war. Their period of service ended, they 
returned to their father, who, in order that they might not grow 
idle, sent them into Angria to assist Yglo Lascon to keep within 
bounds the restless spirits of that turbulent country. Here they 
maintained and increased their military prowess and became 
renowned for their valor among subject tribes and neighboring 
people; especially were they recognized and esteemed among 
the Saxons. 

But misfortune overtook them soon after they returned to 
their own land. Complaint arose among the people that their 
small country was no longer able to support the great number 
of people to which the population had increased. They demanded 
that in accordance with the customs of their fathers and an 
ancient law of the Frisians a colony should be sent forth. The 
duke having received the complaint, summoned by proclamation 
the strongest and best known in deeds of war from every district 
and state of his territory that a band might be sent forth, which 
by their departure might relieve the straitened condition of the 



HENGEST 47 

country, and by their valor seek out and settle new territory. 
In this summons not even his own sons were spared. The band 
to be exiled was selected by lot from the best youth of the 
country thus congregated, and the ''black lot" fell upon both 
sons of the duke, who were at once chosen as leaders of the 
expedition. 

On the day of departure all gathered near Dockenburg, now 
called Doccum. Fitted out with arms and equipped with all 
necessary supplies, they weighed anchor and through the river 
Lavica they arrived at Esonstadium, a territory then at the 
extreme north of Frisia, opposite an island called ' ' Monachorum 
Ogya" which offered a convenient port to the Laviean sea of 
which, now SAvallowed up together with a great part of the land 
by inundation of the ocean, no trace remains except in letters. 
From this place, taking leave of their country, they were carried 
into A!nglia, a region nearest the Jutes, where they found safe 
landing places and took advantage of their opportunity to 
occupy some provinces in which they fixed settlements. 

This locality possessed convenient ports for conducting sea 
raids, and the two brothers joined themselves to the Saxons 
among whom they were already so well and favorably known, 
and became active in the celebrated Saxon piratical expeditions. 
For many years they vexed the regions of Brittany and Armor- 
lea in company with Angles and Saxons until they were invited 
to turn their forces into the service of the king of Britain. 

Suffridus states that Geoffrey of Monmouth incorrectly makes 
Octa and Ebissa the sons of Hengest whereas they were his 
grandsons. Their father Orichius, who became king of Kent 
after the death of Hengest, kept his elder son, Octa, with him 
as his successor in the kingdom but sent the younger, Ebissa, 
back to Friesland Avhere he became ruler of all Angrivari and 
a good part of Vesualia and adopted as his coat of arms the 
device of a black horse. From Ebissa sprang the Angrivarian 
dukes of Vesualia, descending in direct line to Vitekind the 
Great. 

These Frisian chronicles, like the mythical history of the 
Britons, agree in their essential outlines, although there are 
interesting differences of detail. They all make He'ngest derive 
his natural descent (as opposed to his adopted Saxon ancestry) 



48 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

from Friso, the eponymous founder of his race. Three brothers, 
Saxo, Bruno, and Friso, landed with their followers on the 
western coast of the North Sea. They agreed each to found a 
separate colony. Friso established his company along the low- 
lands of the coast, Saxo went east and settled the region about 
the Elbe, and Bruno went up the AVeser and built the tower of 
Brunswick. From Friso there descended the princes of Frisia : 
Adel, Ubbo, Asinga Ascon, Diocarus Segon, Dibbaldus Segon, 
and Tabbo; then with the title of dukes: Asconius, Adelboldus, 
Titus Bojocalus, Ubbo, Haron Ubbo, Odilbaldus, and Udolphus 
Haron. Since Hengest and Horsa, the only direct heirs of 
Udolphus, were banished from their country by the black lot, 
the ' ' seventh and last duke ' ' was succeeded by his brother-in-law 
Eicholdus Uffo who, through pride in his victorious struggles 
with the Danes, assumed the title of king. 

There are, however, some variations in the details of these 
narratives. Bernardus Furmerius in his "Annalium Phrisi- 
corum Libri Tres" (1609) does not spend so much time in 
controversy with other writers and gives a fuller story than 
does Suffridus. He explains that the dukes were elected by the 
suffrage of the orders of the state and that Udolphus Haron, 
thus elected (in 360) as the successor of his father Odilbald, 
was a man most eager for glory in war and ever intent on 
extending his sway as far as possible. 

In the year 368 Yglo Lascon, under whom, as we have seen, 
Udolphus Haron had received his training in arms, was attacked 
by powerful forces of Sicambrians, Angrians, and Westphalians 
so that there seemed danger of losing the territory under his 
control. Duke Udolphus, aroused by this danger, immediately 
prepared a great army and went to his assistance. He devas- 
tated and plundered the fields of the Sicambrians, and, taking 
possession of a great part of the country, placed a garrison in 
charge and returned to Frisia. Shortly afterwards Yglo Lascon 
sent to his Lord Udolphus from Angria a marvelously strange 
wolf with several heads and a body of strangely variegated 
colors. This wolf was later sent by Udolphus to the Emperor 
Valentinian and was prized by him as a great marvel. 

The sending of Hengest and Horsa to Valentinian is given 



HENGEST 49 

by Furmerius ti.s in 374, and he states that the Emperor received 
the youths willingly and "maintained them with all care and 
watchfulness in his hall among equals." 

Two years after he had sent his sons to the Emperor, Duke 
Udolphus collected a strong force and invaded the neighboring 
la'nds which extended south and southeast from Friesland. After 
conquering the country, he erected fortifications and placed 
garrisons within them to make his conquest permanent. Then 
the energetic Duke, having brought peace to his borders, turned 
to affairs within his realm and rebuilt, in 377, the city (civitas) 
of Warden. This place, situated on the sea in the bay of Lavica 
had been destroyed in a great fire. After reconstruction it was 
given the name of Aesonstadius. 

After an absence of nine years, Hengest and Horsa returned 
to their own country. They had served the Emperor Valentinian 
and his son until the year 380 and in all undertakings, especially 
in military expeditions, they had borne themselves most com- 
mendably. When after the death of Valentinian they were 
returning to their own land, they passed through the territory 
of the Duke of Brabant and were persuaded by his entreaties to 
remain with him for three years. At this time Brabant was 
ruled by Carolus Taxander, its tenth Duke. In his service 
Hengest and Horsa daily performed deeds of valor, for which 
they continually burned with the greatest zeal. 

Returning to Friesland, they were received with great joy 
by their father, who kept them and their distinguished band of 
followers with him for a year with great affection and admira- 
tion. Then in the year 384 he sent them to Yglo Lascon his 
governor in Angria that they might share with him the adminis- 
tration of the provinces. In these duties they bore themselves 
in the best possible manner. 

But they had been in Angria only a year when they were 
recalled by trouble in Friesland. A complaint had come up 
from the people that Frisia was so greatly burdened by the 
multitude of inhabitants that it was no longer able to support 
them all. Therefore the duke was asked by vote of the orders 
of state that he carry out the will of the people according to 
the decrees established by the praiseworthy custom of their 
forefathers and, following this custom, select by lot those most 
unhampered by age and most distinguished in strength of mind 



50 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

and of body to leave the fatherland and, with valor as leader 
and fortune as companion, seek for themselves new lands, and 
make by their withdrawal a place more spacious for those re- 
maining and a living more easily obtained. This course was 
pointed out clearly by the example of their founders (Saxo and 
Bruno both led colonies beyond the borders of Frisia, and Vitho 
or lutho, the son of Friso, had thus founded the race of Jutes) 
and also by the procedure of bees who, overburdened by too 
great a throng of progeny, lead forth colonies. Duke Udolphus 
at once sent forth a proclamation, not only throughout Frisia 
but also through all other provinces that were subjected to his 
sway, and assembled from all villages, communities, and towns 
the flower of youth and valor, that from these the casting of lots 
might decide who should go forth and seek new homes. With 
such justice did Udolphus Haron carry out this duty that not 
even his own sons were spared ; and thus the black lot fell upon 
Hengest and Horsa who were at once appointed dukes and 
captains by the others upon whom the decree of chance fell. 

After fitting out a fleet furnished with all necessary things, 
Duke Udolphus dismissed his sons and their followers with invo- 
cations for their success. They loosed anchor and, making use 
of favorable winds, arrived in a region almost unoccupied this 
side of the Eider, a river of the Danes. This region they named 
Frisia in memory of their fatherland, but Minor in respect to 
magnitude ; for this Saxo Grammaticus* and Albertus Crantzius 
are authorities. Since this land was not unlike the one they had 
left, being low and intersected with various streams of the ocean 
and conveniently furnished with ports, it was so pleasing to the 
dukes that they determined to found a colony there. They 
therefore built embankments and proceeded to make it habitable. 
At this time Hengest was twenty-four and Horsa twenty-one 
years of age. These two princes, with followers loyal to them 
and hardy and accustomed to warfare, subjected the country 
without difficulty, because the Jutes and the Angles were of 
origin similar to the Frisians and their first colonies had been 
sent out by the Frisians under Ubbo the son of luto in the time 
of Adel, prince of the Frisians. Moreover of these colonies 



*Saxo GrammaticTis, ed. Holder, Bk. xiiii, pp. 464-5. Tran.s. Elton, p. 7. 



HENGEST 51 

Crantzius wrote : ' ' The community is a witness in name and in 
language that it was founded by a tribe of Frisians to whom 
seeking by lot new homes the land offered itself ; which, marshy 
and low at first, they hardened by long culture." In Frisia 
Minor, then, Hengest a'nd Horsa founded their colony, took 
wives from the neighboring people, and reared families. Their 
love of war they satisfied in piratical expeditions, carried on not 
only among the hostile people to the north but extending even 
to Greece and Asia. Such expeditions were formerly not con- 
sidered wrong if we may believe Herodotus and Thucydides. 

For the latter part of Hengest 's life Furmerius manifestly 
uses the account of Geoffrey or of Nennius, although he quotes 
Bede in several places and endeavors to correct the English 
chroniclers by appealing to the chronicles of his own country. 
That Hengest was a Frisian he considers proved by the fact of 
the wassail custom. The habit of presenting the bowl with a 
kiss as Rowena did is, he claims, a custom found only i'n England 
and his own country. This fact with the close likeness of 
language he regards as proof that the invaders of England were 
at least partly Frisian. The same point is stressed by Pierius 
Winsemius, historiographer to the states of Friesland in 1622 
who stated that ''the pleasant custom of kissing was utterly im- 
practical and unknown in England until the fair Princess Ronix, 
the daughter of King Hengist of Friesland pressed the beaker 
with her lipkins (little lips)) and saluted the amorous Vorti- 
gern with a kusjen, according to the practice of our (Frisick) 
nation. ' '* 

In 1620 Martinus Hameonius put forth a volume on the 
illustrious men and deeds of Frisia with a preface written by 
''Pierius Winsemius Historicus." This was a book not of con- 
tinued narrative but of gleanings gathered into attractive forms 
of Latin prose and verse. In his pages we find some variations 
in the Hengest story from the accountsi given above. For 
instance, he states that when the colony was sent out, Hengest 
and Horsa turned first to their maternal grandfather Vergistus, 
who adopted them as sons and gave them the province of old 
Anglia for their settlement. Afterwards they were called into 



*Edinburgh Review, 52: 4-5. 



52 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

Britain by king Vortigern. Hameonius also tells us that Ebissa 
accepted as a coat of arms from the king of Frisia a black horse 
in memory of his grandfather Hengest; black because of the 
black lot that had deprived him of the kingdom of Frisia. This 
device was borne by Vitekind before his baptism but as he 
stepped from the font it was changed by Charlemagne to a white 
horse to signify his conversion. 

Of Hengest 's struggles with the Britons, Hameonius writes 
that his brother Horsa having been killed ''per invidiam" and 
fortune having turned against him, he fled to the continent 
where he founded Western Frisia, building as his stronghold the 
tower of Ley den which in later years became the city of Ley den. 
From this place he returned, stronger than before, to accomplish 
the subjugation of the Britons. 

Both Hameonius and Furmerius call attention to the fact 
that AVillebrord, apostle to the Frisians and later their arch- 
bishop, was a direct descendant of Hengest. Furmerius gives 
the details of his descent : Orichius, Hengest 's successor as king 
of Kent, left three sons: Octa, Ebissa, a'nd Edelredus. Ostrida 
the daughter of Edelred had two daughters, Oronia and Berta. 
From Oronia who married Villegis, a noble and pious man, was 
born Willebrord; and Berta, married to Sigebert, was the 
mother of Svidbert. Thus from Hengest, who destroyed Chris- 
tianity in England, sprang the apostle who carried Christianity 
to his native Friesland ; a'nd on account of their kinship in race 
they were able to preach in the tongue of their listeners, as both 
Marcellinus and the Venerable Bede testify. 

Cornelius Kempius of Doccum, in his book published 1588, 
explains that the name "Engellandt" was derived from Engist 
the Frisian, because it was commonly called "Engeslandt after 
he had gained sway over it, and soon the name was corrupted to 
Engelant. " Kempius is not alone in this conjecture; it was 
generally accepted by Frisian writers and was also held by a 
number of writers in England. Even some of those who derived 
the name from Angle considered that the term Angle-land was 
selected because Hengest was of that race. 

Ubbo Emmius appears to be the first really critical historian 
in Friesland. He was made head of the University of Groningen, 
when that institution became a university in 1614, and Professor 



HENGEST 53 

of History and Greek. In a spirited controversy with Suffridus 
and Furmerius he declared that their histories were no better 
than old wives' tales a'nd that the much treasured early history 
of Friesland was a tissue of fables. The celebrated Occo Scarlen- 
sis he regarded as a myth and the chronicles based upon his 
work as worthy of no more consideration than the writings of 
Hunibald, Geoffrey, or Saxo. And yet even he, although he 
does not insist upon the point, believed that Hengest was a 
Frisian. In his "Rerum Frisicarum Historia, "^ he brings out 
the fact that the name Saxon had become widespread and was 
commonly applied to all those who dwelt along the coast between 
the Rhine and the Eider, or in the vicinity of the Elbe, the 
Weser, and the Ems. Especially was the term Saxon used to 
designate bands of sea raiders. Thus among other tribes, the 
Frisians were often referred to as Saxons by ancient writers. 
This being true, he thinks some weight should be given to the 
strongly established Frisian tradition that Hengest and Horsa 
were of Frisian blood. He also draws attention to the close 
resemblance of the English and Frisian languages and to the 
fact that Wilfrid, Willibrord, and other descendants of Hen- 
gest 's band went without interpreters as evangelists to the 
Frisians, preaching as Frisians to Frisians. 

But it is not alone among the chroniclers that we find in 
Friesland traces of Hengest; oral tradition also has something 
to contribute. In popular descriptions of Holland like that of 
Edmondo de Amicis occur such remarks as the following : ' ' This 
castle, (in the middle of the city of Leyden) called by the Dutch 
the Burg, is simply a large round empty tower, built, according 
to some, by the Romans, according to others by a certain Hen- 
gist, the leader of the Anglo-Saxons. "^° Baedeker's volume on 
Holland and Belgium also refers to the same tradition. Again, 
on the island of Sylt there is firm conviction that the invaders 
of England went from its shores to Ebbsfleet. W. G. Black in 
his "Heligoland a'nd the Islands of the North Sea" says: ''The 
history of Friesland is a confused one ; but the great fact which 
makes its lonely sands more attractive than the glows and glories 
of the broad belt of the world is that it was the cradle of the 



9 Ubbo Emniius: "Remm Frisicomm Historia, Liber III." 

10 "Holland:" Edmondo de Amicis — ^trans, Helen Zimmern, Vol. II, p. 16. 



54 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

English race."" Black calls attention to the fact that Green in 
his "History of the English People" remarks that it is with 
the landing of Hengist and his war-band at Ebbsfieet on the 
shore of the Isle of Thanet that English history begins: " 'No 
spot in Britain can be so sacred to Englishmen as that which 
first felt the tread of English feet.' As I stood the other day, 
on the sandy shore of the rift in the dune which local tradition 
i'n Sylt points to as the ancient harbors of the Frisians, from 
which Hengist sailed to the conquest of Britain, I felt that this 
spot was scarcely less sacred." Mr. Black also states that the 
language of these north Frisian islands is so similar to English 
in its word sounds that he was often unable from a distance to 
tell whether boatmen were speaking English or the dialect of the 
islands. In written forms the likeness is not so noticeable be- 
cause of differences in spelling. He quotes a well-known 
couplet : — 

"Buwter, breat ene greene tzies, 
Is guth Inglish en guth Friesch. " 

If one should attempt to compare the treatment given to 
Hengest by the chroniclers of England and of Friesland* the 
most striking difference found would be the spirit in which he 
is regarded. By the British he is considered "the wickedest of 
pagans "^^ (John of Wallingford) and no detail is neglected to 
emphasize his cruelty and treachery. Although an occasional 
writer found in him qualities to admire — as in Layamon's 
"fairest of knights," — the body of E'nglish tradition is voiced 
by Milton who, in recording his death as king of Kent, says that 
he ' ' attained that dignity by craft as much as valour, and giving 
scope to his own cruel nature, rather than proceeding by mild- 
ness and civility." 

But to the Frisian writers he was all that a war leader in the 
heroic age should be. Furmerius says: "Hengist a'nd his men 
were great in spirit, strong in body, and enduring in labor ; they 
were the bravest of the Germans, most feared by the Romans, 
terrible in valor and in swiftness." Wherever he appears in 



*In this statement the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is not included. 

11 Chapter LV, p. 66. 

12 John of Wallingford in Gale : Script. 



HENGEST 55 

their tradition, Hengest is the ideal of the ''free Friese," a 
leader of men, bold and ambitious, but loyal to the customs of 
his fathers even to the extent of depriving himself of his heredi- 
tary right to rule and going forth an exile from his country. 
He has genuine qualities of leadership ; a flair for the right 
place, as witnessed by his settlement near the Eider and his 
landing in Britain; boldness and initiative combined with the 
habit of looking beyond the immediate consequences ; and mother 
wit that won victories which mere fighting could never have 
gained. It was worth while to follow such a leader. Even his 
enemies admitted his power. Eldol, his mortal foe, cried out in 
their last battle, ' ' In conquering Hengest we conquer all. ' ' And 
this power, feared and hated by the Britons, was admired and 
praised among the Frisians and its possessor was held as an 
illustrious type of the heroic age, — a war-leader who embodied 
the qualities of his race. 



CHAPTER V 

IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY 

Thus far there had been no question of the identity of the 
Hengest under discussion, but when we turn to Old English 
poetry, such a question does arise. In two of the best known 
Old English poems — BeoAvulf and the Fight at Finnsburg — Hen- 
gest is a prominent figure. He appears in the service of Hnaef 
and is one of the leaders in the Fight at Finnsburg. After the 
death of Hnaef he assumes leadership of the Danish forces. 
From this point the" episode is given in Beowulf as follows (lines 
1080-1159) :— 

'' "Warfare took off all Finn's officers save only a few, so that 
he might not in any way offer battle to Hengest on that meeting- 
place, nor save the sad survivors from the prince's general by 
fighting; but they (the Frisians) offered them (the Danes) 
terms, that they would give up to them entirely another hall, a 
chamber and a seat of honour, that they might share equal pos- 
session of it with the sons of the Eotens, and that at givings out 
of pay the son of Folcwalda (Finn) would each day bear in the 
mind the Danes, — would gratify with rings the troop of 
Hengest, even with just so much costly treasure of plated gold 
as he would cheer the Frisian race with in the beer-hall. 

''Then on both sides they ratified a treaty of fast friendship. 
Finn certified Hengest with oaths, absolutely and unreservedly, 
that he would treat the defeated remnant honourably according 
to the ordinance of his counsellors ; provided that no man there 
broke the covenant by word or deed, or although, being without 
a leader, they had followed the murderer of their ri'ng-giver, 
ever mourn for it with false intent — for it was forced upon 
them thus; and (on the other hand) if any of the Frisians 
should call to mind the blood-feud by provoking words, then 
the edge of the sword should settle it. The oath was sworn, and 
treasure of gold was brought up from the hoard. 

"The best of the War-Scyldings, the battle-heroes, was ready 
on the funeral pile. At the pyre the blood-stained corslet, the 
swine-image all-golden, the board hard as iron, and many a 
noble killed by wounds, — for several had sunk in death — were 
visible to all. Then Hildeburh ordered her own offspring to be 

56 



HENGEST 57 

given over to the flames at Hnaef's funeral pile — his body to 
be burned and put upon the pyre. The unhappy woman sobbed 
on his shoulder, and lamented him i'n dirges. The war-hero 
ascended. The greatest of bale-fires curled (upwards) to the 
clouds, roared above the grave-mound; heads were consumed, 
gashes gaped open : then the blood sprang forth from the body, 
where the foe had wounded it. The fire, greediest of spirits, had 
consumed all of those whom war had carried off, of either nation 
— their flower had passed away. 

"Then the warriors, deprived of their friends, went off to 
visit their dwellings, to see the Frisian land, their homes and 
head borough. Hengest still, however, stayed the dead, for- 
bidding winter through with Finn, altogether without strife; 
his land was in his thoughts, albeit he might not guide over the 
sea a ring-prowed ship (the ocean heaved with storm, contended 
with the wind; winter locked the waves in its icy bond), until 
a ncAV year came round to the homes of men, and the seasons 
gloriously bright, regularly observing their order, as they still 
do now. 

"Then the winter was past, the bosom of the earth was fair, 
the stranger-guest hastened from his quarters, yet he (Hengest) 
thought rather about vengeance than sea-voyage, whether he 
could not bring about an altercation, in which he might remem- 
ber (for evil) the sons of the Eotens. Hence he did not run 
counter to the way of the world, when the son of Hunlaf gave 
into his possession Hildeleoma, best of swords.^^ Thus its edges 
became well known among the Eotens. Moreover, cruel death 
by the sword afterwards befell the daring-minded Finn at his 
own homes, when Gruthlaf and Oslaf made sad complaint, after 
their sea-voyage, about the fierce attack, — blamed him for their 
share of woes. His flickering spirit could not keep its footing in 
his breast. 

' ' Then was the hall reddened with corpses of the foes ; Finn, 
the king, likewise was slain among his guard, and the quee'n 
taken. The bowmen of the Scyldings bore to the ship all the 
belongings of the country's king,— whatsoever they could find 
at Finn's homestead of necklaces and curious gems. They 
brought the noble lady over the sea-path to the Danes, and led 
her to her people."^* 

In the earlier translations of these poems it was generally 
taken for granted that this Hengest was identical with the well- 
known figure in the chronicles. Grundtvig, the first to give a 
complete interpretation of these passages, assumed as a matter 

13 For varying interpretations of this passage see analysis referred to in note 15. 

14 Clark Hall: "Beowulf." 



58 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

of course that the Hengest in the tale was the only Hengest 
referred to in heroic tradition, just as a scholar to-day if a 
manuscript should be discovered celebrating a battle waged by 
Roland somewhere in the region of the Pyrenees in the time of 
Charlemagne, would without hesitation add the exploit to the 
legends gathered about the hero of Roncesvalles. The burden of 
proof would fall upon the person who believed that this Roland 
was a new and hitherto unheard of person. G-rundtvig not only 
saw in Hengest the historical first king of Kent but he also 
thought it quite possible that Eaha (line 17 of the "Fight") 
was Occa, his son, whose name, spelled in various ways, appears 
in many records as successor to his father as ruler of Kent. 

This understanding of Hengest 's identity was not only 
accepted but was definitely reaffirmed by Price and Kemble. 
Kemble, however, changed the translation of the important lines 
1142-1144, making them tell of the death of Hengest, who was 
set upon and slain by the followers of Finn. It was this trans- 
lation apparently, that raised the first doubt of Hengest 's 
identity. Wackerbarth, in 1848, accepted Kemble 's translation 
but thought that Hengest could not be the invader of Britain, 
since, he says, "I am not aware that any writer states Hengist, 
the first King of Kent to have died in Friesland,- whereas 
Matthew of Westminster (ad an. 489) declares that, being 
defeated and made prisoner by Aurelius Ambrosius, he was at 
the instance of Eldad, Bishop of Gloucester, beheaded. ' '^^ 

But it was the compelling influence of Grein that caused 
general acceptance of the theory that the Hengest of the Finns- 
burg tragedy was a person entirely distinct from the one in 
Bede and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Grein adopted Kemble 's 
reading but agreed with Wackerbarth in thinking him mistaken 
in seeing the death of the historic Hengest in lines 1142-1144, 
although he admitted that the two Hengests must have lived at 
about the same time. From the time of Grein 's article in 
Ebert's Jahrbuch (1862) until the present the Grein point of 
view has been largely accepted as the orthodox attitude of schol- 
arship and the burden of proof has been cast upon anyone 
venturing to suggest a different interpretation. 



15 For a full discussion of the various interpretations of these poems see Aurner: 
"An Analysis of the Interpretations of the Finusburg Documents," University of Iowa 
Humanistic Series, 1917. 



HENGEST 59 

Within the last ten years, however, there has been a distinct 
tendency to return to the original view, regarding the historic 
Hengest as the one whose deeds were sung by the scop of 
Hrothgar. This view has been put forth as a discovery. It was 
suggested by Chadwick (1907) in his "Origin of the English 
Nation" who worked out a series of arguments in its favor, 
cautiously concluding it ''more probable than not that the two 
Hengests were identical. ' ' One real addition to material helpful 
in forming an opinion was furnished by Chadwick when he 
called attention to a statement in the Skioldunga Saga (chap. 4 
in Arngrim Jonsson's epitome) that a Danish king named 
Leifus had seven sons, three of whom were called Hunleifus, 
Oddleifus, and Gunnleifus. It is difficult to escape Chadwick 's 
conclusion that we have here a key to the Hunlafing of Beowulf. 
By the law of chances one would scarcely find three names 
apparently bearing exactly the same relation to each other in 
two different tales of the same age, but referring to entirely 
different persons. Of course, as Professor Lawrence has brought 
out in his recent article on "Beowulf and the Tragedy of 
Finnsburg, ' '^^ a proper name in Germanic story does not by any 
means indicate that the same name in another story refers to the 
same hero or heroine. However, if one should find in different 
stories two names bearing exactly the same relation to each other 
in both, and if these names should represent the same kind of 
characters in each, placed in similar circumstances and at the 
same period of time, it would be hard to believe that they were 
not intended to refer to the same people. Now three names 
occurring together in this way increase the probabilities of 
identity so greatly that definite proof to the contrary would be 
necessary to call it in question. 

The identification of the three names in the Skioldunga Saga 
with the three heroes mentioned in Beowulf, — making Hunlafing 
the brother of Ordlaf and Guthlaf instead of a sword as Chad- 
wick had supposed — was pointed out by Rene Huchon in the 
Revue Germanique in 1908. Later, J. R. Clark Hall showed 
that Hunlaf and not Hunlafi-ng would be the name of the brother 
of Guthlaf and Oslaf." Since the ending "ing" was regularly 



16 P. M. L. A., June, 1915, p. 372 ff. 

IT "A Note on Beowulf," Modern Language Notes, XXV 113-114. 



60 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

used to indicate a son or descendant of, Hunlafing would be a 
son of Hunlaf the oldest of the seven brothers (as the order of 
the names would suggest) ; a'nd if, as Clark Hall thinks probable, 
Hunlaf had been killed by the followers of Finn, there would 
be no need to seek further for a motive .in Hunlafing's giving 
the famous sword to Hengest or for a reason why Guthlaf and 
Oslaf instead of Hengest are mentioned as leaders in the 
vengeance taken upon Finn. 

The identification of Hunlafing as a Dane would, as Professor 
Lawrence has stated in the article cited above, show clearly the 
incorrectness of Kemble's translation of lines 1142-1144. Now 
it is the supposed death of Hengest, based upon the Kemble and 
later the Grein translation of these lines, that furnishes the chief 
argument against identifying him with the conqueror of Britain, 
and with this supposition removed there would seem to be no 
reason why the original interpretation should not stand. 

But it is 'not in Beowulf only that we find the name of Hengest 
associated with that of Hunlaf. Dr. Imelmann of Bonn called 
attention, in 1909,* to a passage from a late Brut version: 
(Cott. Vesp. D. IV, fol. 139b.) ''In diebus illis, imperante 
Valentiniano, regnum barbarorum et germanorum exortum est, 
turgentesque populi et nationes per totam Europam consederunt. 
Hoc testantur gesta Rodulphi et Hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, 
Horsi et Hengesti, Waltef et Hame, quorum quidam in Italia, 
quidam in Gallia, alii in Brittania, ceteri vero in Germania 
armis et rebus bellicis claruerunt. "^^ In this passage we find 
the names of four of the heroes mentioned in Beowulf : Hrothulf , 
Hunlaf, Hengest, and Hama. Such a striking parallel leaves 
little room to doubt the identity of these heroes of the Volker- 
wanderung. It is worth noting, also, that here at least, there 
can be no question of Hengest 's identity, for he is definitely 
associated with Horsa and his achievements in Britain are 
specifically referred to. 

Another link connecting the historical Hengest with the 
Finnsburg warrior is the fact that both Finn and Hengest are 
names firmly fixed in the tradition and folk-lore of the island of 
Sylt. As detailed rn the chapter preceding this, local tradition 



*In Deutsche Literaturzeitung, Apr. 17. 
18 Holthausen Beowulf II, p. XXVIII. 



HENGEST 61 

has fixed a definite place on the shore of the island as the ancient 
Frisian harbor from which Hengest sailed on the memorable 
expedition which led to the Germanic conquest and settlement 
of England. Another favorite tale, discussed fully in C. P. 
Hansen's ''"Westerla'nd auf Sylt,"^^ is the story of Finn and the 
great war between the dwarfs and the giants. Hansen sees in 
this tale, as does also Moller in his " Altenglische Volksepos, "^^ 
a dim remembrance of the story referred to in Beowulf, overlaid 
with the popular features of fairy and folk lore. Finn, king 
of the dwarfs, who dwelt beneath the largest mound on the 
isla'nd, had succeeded in gaining a maiden of Braderup for his 
queen. Her brothers, called together the forces of the island, 
waged bitter war against Finn and his followers. Finn was 
defeated and deprived of his bride. This general outline, 
although richly embroidered with fantastic detail, is certainly 
suggestive of the Finn episode in Beowulf. Neither of these 
tales was put in written form until the second half of the nine- 
teenth century. Of course purely oral tradition cannot be relied 
upon as definite proof, but, taken together with many other 
indications pointing toward the same conclusion, it increases 
the strength of one's general conviction. 

A considerable literature of controversy has grown up around 
the figure of Hengest in Old English poetry. Discussion has 
largely cen^Ared upon details of translation, which details do not 
seem to be significant enough in themselves to serve as a safe 
basis for drawing conclusions. As Professor Lawrence has wisely 
pointed out in the article cited above, ''decision in regard to 
any one passage is likely to depend upon the view taken of other 
passages, and of the personal and ethnographical relationships 
of the different characters." Might it not be well to withdraw 
from the heat of battle, to step aside, as it were, from the din 
of discussion and ask oneself calmly what would be the natural 
understanding of an Old English audience listening to the hero 
tales of their race if they heard the words chanted: "Then to 
the doors two noble warriors went, Sigeferth and Eaha, and 
drew their swords, and at the other doors Ordlaf and Guthlaf ; 
and Hengest himself turned him upon their track. "^° Would 



19 Moller : "Altenglische Volksepos," p. 82ff . 

20 Fight at Finnsbiirg, 11, 18-19. 



62 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

not the words "Hengest himself" (unless it can be definitely 
proved that there was another Hengest famous enough to be 
thus referred to) inevitably call up to them the hero to whose 
leadership they owed their English heritage? There must have 
been adventure and accomplishment in his life before the expe- 
dition to Britain, and what more natural than that such 
adventure should furnish telling allusion in epic tale? 

Personally, I see no sufficient reason for refusing a place in 
the legend of Hengest to the passage recorded in Old English 
poetry. One might ask why Gruntvig's identification of Hygelac 
with the Choehilaicus in Gregory of Tours should be unques- 
tioningly accepted and used as one of the means to establish the 
date of the poem, while his identification of Hengest is east 
aside without satisfactory proof. I believe the answer to this 
query is that Grein's emphatic assertion that the Old English 
Hengest was not the conqueror of Britain has been generally 
adopted without inquiring carefully into his reasons for making 
this statement. In my "Analysis of the Interpretations of the 
Finnsburg Documents "^^ I have shown the very inadequate 
grounds on which this assertion is based. Until proof can be 
offered that a second Hengest existed of sufficient fame to become 
a great figure in the Germanic hero cycle, it seems to be the 
natural and sensible thing to include the Beowulf episode and 
the Fight at Finnsburg among the tales that make up the legend 
of Hengest. 

The question might be asked why is there no reference in the 
chronicles or romances to Hengest 's part in the Finnsburg 
tragedy if that was so well known as to furnish one of the epic 
themes in the folk wandering period. This entire lack of allusion 
might be taken as evidence against the identity if there could be 
discovered anywhere in the chronicles reference to other events 
in Beowulf or to any event in the life of Hengest before his 
arrival in England. As a matter of fact, all the chronicles treat 
the Teutonic conquerors of Britain (except for mythological, 
genealogies) as if their histories began with this conquest. Of 
course, there must have been experiences in Hengest 's past 
worthy to be sung, for we find him everywhere referred to as a 
mature and capable warrior, skillful in devices as well as power- 



21 Cf. Note 15 op. cit., pp. 15-17. 



HENGEST 63 

ful in combat, and the fact that he was the leader of a large 
band of adventurers is evidence that he had gained reputation. 
The part that he takes in both forms of the Finnsburg story, 
the fight and the episode, is precisely what might have happened 
just before his descent upon England. 

The story as told in Beowulf is the tragedy of Hnaef and the 
vengeance taken by his kinsman for all their woes. Hengest 
appears as a thane who does faithful and efficient service in 
keeping together the Half Danes after the fall of their leader 
until they are able to return home and get together a sufficient 
force to obtain the vengeance they long for. If the story had 
been told from a different point of view, — if it had been 
Hengest 's story, we might have learned many things that puzzle 
us now. It has been Hengest 's fate always to be just outside 
the center of literary interest ; in Old English Hnaef and Finn 
form the main theme and in Middle English Vortigern and the 
ancestors of Arthur. Except in the Frisian chronicles — which 
hardly deserve to be classed as literary — he has always played 
a secondary, although very vigorous role. 

In the episode there is no direct evidence as to the tribe of 
Hengest except that, for the time, he was in the service of 
Hnaef. He might well have been acting in the same relation 
that we find him taking later toward Vortigern. We learn from 
the fight fragment that Hnaef 's band included well known, war- 
riors outside of the tribe of the Half Danes ; Sigeferth, prince of 
the Secges, proclaims before the striking of blows that he is a 
warrior widely known, who has experienced many woes, many 
hard battles.^^ The band must have been made up of redoubt- 
able champions, for in the episode Sigeferth, important as he 
must have been, is not mentioned. It is clearly implied that 
Hnaef has gathered to accompany him to the court of Finn a 
picked group of men known for doughty deeds. Hengest was 
certainly the most famous of these, for we find him assuming 
unquestioned leadership after the fall of Hnaef. And yet 
Hengest seems not to have possessed any land of his own, since 
in Widsith he is not mentioned, although Finn, Hnaef, and 
Sigeferth (Saeferth) are spoken of as ruling over the tribes 
ascribed to them in the fight and the episode. If Hengest, who 

22 Fight at Finnsburg, 11, 26-28. 



64 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

ranked above Sigeferth in the same company, had ruled a land 
or people of his own, Widsith would doubtless have included 
him in the catalogue. 

One of the points which has been stressed by those who argue 
in favor of interpreting lines 1142-1145 as telling of Hengest's 
death is that he is not mentioned as leader of the band when it 
returned, — that Guthlaf and Oslaf are the ones who wreak 
vengeance upon Finn. If, as seems probable, Hengest was not 
of Hnaef's kin there is no reason why he should lead the 
avenging expedition. He had performed his full service in 
extricating Hnaef's followers from a dangerous situation. In 
fact, it would have been humiliating to folk pride, the vengeance 
would have been very imperfect, if an outsider had been the 
leader. According to the Skioldunga Saga, Guthlaf and Oslaf 
were Danes and certainly if their brother Humlaf had fallen at 
the hands of Finn, they would permit no one else to take 
vengeance upon the slayer of their brother as well as of their 
prince. 

It seems safe to conclude then, on the whole, that since the 
chroniclers indicated no knowledge of any of the events in the 
personal history of the leaders of the Germanic tribes previous 
to their settlements in England, the lack of allusion to Hengest 's 
part in the Finnsburg tragedy is no indication that the Hengest 
there mentioned is another person. When we consider that the 
Hengest of the episode must have been a contemporary of the 
Hengist of Bede, that the scene of the fight is in the neighbor- 
hood from which the historic Hengest is said to have come, and 
that the character and situation seem to be the same in each 
ease, it is hard to escape the conviction that Beowulf and Bede 
have preserved different events in the life of the same man. 
When we add the various indications cited in this chapter — 
slight, perhaps, in themselves but taken together forming a 
strong presumption in favor of the same conclusion — there 
seems ample justification for including the winter with Finn 
among the adventures of Hengest, founder of the kingdom of 
Kent. 

Summing up the points made in the preceding discussion, we 
have the following conclusions: — 



HENGEST 65 

1. Hengest was a heroic figure about Avhich a great body of 
legend accumulated. 

2. The development of the Hengest legend furnishes an 
interesting illustration of the manner in which an epic subject 
grows into literary form. 

3. Hengest forms a connecting link between Old a'nd Middle 
English literature. 

4. The historic leader in the conquest of England and the 
Hengest of the Finnsburg documents belonged to the same time, 
the same locality, and manifested the same characteristics. 

5. Contributory facts from various sources give strong 
evidence of the identity of the two. 

6. Such identity would carry with it two very important 
results: (a) the interpretation of an important passage in 
Beowulf, and (b) a valuable glimpse of the leader of the Anglo- 
Saxon conquest before his appearance in England. 

There are disadvantages that come from living in a critical 
age. The constructive instinct is checked ; the rebuilding of the 
past is not allowed to proceed until every element is subjected to 
searching analysis and tests. Such conditions are favorable to 
accuracy and clearness in the grasp of facts but are not con- 
ducive to imaginative reconstruction or the understanding spirit. 
In finishing the survey of what has been written and sung of 
Hengest, one is tempted to forget for a time the scientific attitude 
and allow the spirit of a thirteenth century chronicler to hover 
over the field. 

Roger of Wendover, perhaps, pottering about in the garden 
of Latinity with a keen eye for blossoms to add to his "Flores 
Historiarum" would be delighted with the discovery of the 
Frisian material. Turning to the "Historia" of Geoffrey, kept 
at his elbow, he would finger the pages until he reached the 
question of King Vortigern as to who the strangers were and 
from whence they came. Here he would decide to insert the 
tale of Frisian birth and training, banishment by the black lot, 
marriage and Saxon adoption, and the various attempts to gain 
fame and fortune — all in Hengest 's reply. Weaving together 
the accounts of Occa Scarlensis, Suffridus Petrus, Bernardus 
Furmerius, and others, he would make a connected narrative, 



66 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

omitting, perhaps, contradictory statements, filling in or changing 
dates if 'necessary, and supplying sentences to round out a story 
or explain a situation. No critical doubts would hinder him in 
the use of this material, for was it not written in Latin as fairly 
transcribed at times as the pages of Bede; and were not the 
writers men of learning, some of them monks like himself? 
Possibly he would lay aside, however, the episode in Beowulf 
and the exultant song of the fight at Finnsburg. The old heathen 
verse would repel him and he would not care to encourage the 
fierce joy in vengeance that it expressed ; better, then, omit this 
event and enlarge and embellish others that might convey an 
edifying moral. 

But if the spirit should happen to be that of Layamon 'no such 
scruples would be evident. The joy of battle would fire his pen 
so that the fight at Finnsburg and the winter with Finn would 
ring out grandly as the culmination of Hengest's adventures. 
How could Vortigern doubt that this was the man to deliver him 
from his foes when he listened to the narrative of the leader in 
the fight that ''swept away all the thanes of Finn except a 
few." Surely the general that had brought away safely the 
followers of Hnaef after the dreary winter with Finn would be 
able to direct the British forces and overcome the dread Scots 
and Picts. Double assurance lay in the fact that this leader 
had been joined by his brother Horsa, second only to himself in 
strength a'nd valor, who, perhaps, had been left in charge of the 
settlement in Old Anglia while Hengest joined the expedition of 
Hnaef. Who can doubt that Layamon would have been delighted 
to incorporate this section of Hengest's life if he had been as 
familiar with the saga cycles of the North Sea as he was with 
the body of Celtic tradition? 

But in the twentieth century it is impossible to use the method 
of chronicle and romance. A scientific summary must follow 
reason alone and examine microscopically the whole body of 
evidence available. The present study has aimed to bring 
together all the materials that treat of the name Hengest in the 
heroic age of the Germanic people. These materials have been 
presented chronologically except in the case of the Old English 
passages, which were placed last because they are not universally 
regarded as referring to the same subject a'nd it seemed best to 



HENGEST 67 

have all the evidence in mind before proceeding to a discussion 
of this much disputed point. The interpretation set forth in 
the preceding chapter is my own reaction to what has been dis- 
covered in going over the work of this field. Of course it is the 
privilege of every scholar to examine the facts for himself and 
interpret them as he sees fit. The present work will be justified 
if it serves to bring these facts to light and to present them in 
useful and convenient form. 



APPENDIX 

The following tabulation has been arranged to present in 
graphic form the growth of the Hengest legend. All the events 
ascribed to Hengest from whatever source have been noted as 
nearly as possible in their chronological order. Such arrange- 
ment, where it is not clearly indicated in the source, is purely 
conjectural, but in each case the event and the exact reference 
from which it is cited are clearly pointed out. So far as I have 
been able to discover, all the significant allusions to Hengest in 
writings previous to the seventeenth century have been brought 
together. 

No attempt has been made at an exhaustive critical discussion 
of the chroniclers and romance writers, since this work has been 
done so carefully by E. H. Fletcher in his work an. the Arthurian 
material in the chronicles that going over the field again would 
be a work of supererogation. Of course many of the writers 
included by him have little or nothing to say of Hengest, and a 
number who speak of Hengest make no reference to Arthur. 
The Old English and the Frisia'n material would come in the 
latter class and their claims for consideration have been treated 
in the chapters devoted to them. Many minor chroniclers who 
merely mention Hengest 's name or refer to some fact that has 
been wearisomely echoed by scores of others have been omitted. 
In fact, a glance over the tabulation will show that much of the 
matter included is mere repetition, but this repetition when 
made by writers of some importance, especially if accompanied 
by slight variations and additions, has a value of its own. In 
no other way could be shown more vividly the natural growth 
and development of an epic theme. First we have a few striking 
facts and deeds attached to a heroic figure : his name, the tribes 
under his leadership, his compact with Vortigern, the battles 
against the Scots a'nd Picts and then against the Britons, and, 
finally, his death. Later writers fill in explanations and add 
picturesque details and dramatic events. The two periods most 
prolific in such additions were the thirteenth century in England 



HENGEST 69 

and the sixteenth in Friesland. If the Old English poetic 
passages be considered as referring to the same person as the 
one treated in the chronicles they must be regarded as an allusion 
to actual events rather than as products of the imagination. 
Taken as a whole then, the appended table gives a clear repre- 
sentation of the way in which tradition gathers about a center 
of historic fact. If the tale of Hengest had happened to appeal 
to some genius such as the one that produced Beowulf or the 
Chanson de Roland, doubtless more striking marvels would have 
been introduced and the whole fused together with vivid emotion 
and some great theme. As it stands we have epic materials in 
the natural state not transformed by genius. 

It is interesting to note the nature of the variations introduced 
by different writers. The name appears in many forms. Follow- 
ing Bede and the 0. E. Chronicle, most of the Latin writers use 
Hengist or Hengistus although Florence of Worcester has 
Hengst, Cornelius Kempius, Engist, and IJbbo Emmius, 
Engistus. In the English vernacular we find the form Hengest 
in Beowulf, the Fight fragment, and Layamon; Engist in the 
Brut of England and Hardyng's Chronicle; Hungast in 
Stewart's Boece; Angier, Angys, a'nd Angwys in the Merlin 
romances; and, in old French accounts, Hengis, Hangist; 
Englist in Gaimar, Wace, and Waurin. 

The tribe from which he springs is most uncertain. Bede 
makes no definite statement but implies that he was a Jute; 
Nennius states that he was Saxon; Aethelward and William of 
Malmesbury, although not very clear, lead us to infer that he 
was an Angle. Most later writers follow Geoffrey of Monmouth 
who called him Saxon, but there are many exceptions to this 
rule. In Layamon he is an Angle, in the Merlin romances a 
Dane or a Saracen (the two terms are used synonymously), and 
in all Frisian accounts he is a Frisian prince. 

Most versions agree in describing him as an exile from his 
own country; in Beowulf he is termed wrecca. Nennius de- 
scribes him as driven into exile and Geoffrey of Monmouth 
supplies the explanation that this exile is for the purpose of 
relieving his native land (Germany — so called from its aston- 
ishing facility in germinating men, according to William of 
Malmesbury) of its surplus population. This exile by lot is 



70 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

described in various ways by nearly all the later writers who 
do not seek to abbreviate or subordinate the events connected 
with Hengest. 

Little variation is found in the records of arrival. Practically 
all state that a band came in three long ships; some fail to 
mention the number; the ''Brut" speaks of a great navy; one 
of the Merlin romances makes "Angys" invade Britain with 
100,000 men, and William Stewart's Boece makes him come 
with thirty ships and 10,000 men, but on the whole the accounts 
are surprisingly uniform. 

Three reasons for coming are given: chance, Vortigern's 
invitation, and the necessity of seeking a new land on account 
of exile. In several places the first two or the last two are 
combined. 

The compact with Vortigern and the first battle with the 
Scots and Picts appear the same throughout in their essential 
features. Many writers, however, amplify the simple statements 
of Bede and add picturesque details, especially in the accounts 
of the battle. This latter class make much of the astuteness of 
Hengest in using the power thus gained over Vortigern to bring 
reinforcements from among his own people or those anxious to 
follow him. The building of Thongcastle and the summoning of 
his family belong among the traditions introduced here. The 
marriage of Vortigern and Eowena forms a part of most of the 
accounts after Nennius, about half of them repeating the wassail 
incident first found in Geoffrey. Octa and Ebissa are mentioned 
by about two-thirds of those who give a comparatively full 
narrative, Cerdic being included by a few. In all cases these 
are regarded as members of Hengest 's family, but the relation- 
ship ascribed varies widely. Sometimes Octa is the son and 
Ebissa the brother of Hengest ; again Octa and Ebissa are both 
sons or Octa the son and Ebissa the son-in-law; others make 
Octa and Ebissa grandsons of Hengest and sons of Orichius 
or Aesc. Their names show as much variation in form as the 
names of Hengest and Eowena. 

Vortimer, first mentioned by Geoffrey, appears in more than 
half of the tales as leader of the revolt against Vortigern after 
the marriage with Eowena. The crowning of Vortimer supplies 
a plausible motive for the break between Hengest and the ruler 



HENGEST 71 

of Britain. A dramatic element is added and Celtic pride is 
gratified by the enumeration of the battles in which Vortimer 
won back the land taken by Hengest and finally drove the hated 
Saxons in precipitate flight to the continent. Gratifying, too, 
was the fact that Vortimer 's death could be brought about only 
by treachery and that his memory alone was so terrifying that 
the Saxons would never have returned had his dying injunction 
been heeded. 

The founding of the tower of Leyden is given in two forms. 
The one quoted by Milton makes it a Celtic fortification built 
by the Britons who fled in terror from the Saxons. The one 
more widely spread through Holland, however, is that it was 
built by Hengest for a safe retreat after he fled from Vortimer. 
From this point he proceeded to collect the army that returned 
with him upon the news of Vortimer 's death. 

Hengest 's arrangement with Vortigern for a meeting to settle 
upon peace terms between the Britons and Saxons and the suc- 
cessful trick by which he seized power over the whole country 
through the slaughter of British chiefs on Salisbury plain is an 
effective addition to history and one generally retained until 
the critical spirit began separating flction from fact. Both 
Nennius and Geoffrey tell the story, and it is without question 
Celtic in origin. It is interesting to note the struggle various 
writers make to reproduce the words of Hengest 's signal. These 
words though varying in form, are evidently intended for the 
same expression except in the ''Brut of England" alone. Here 
the signal is quite different in meaning, ''now is tyme for to 
speke of love and pees" — a change which certainly introduces 
the element of irony into the situation. 

The full conquest and settlement of Britain by the followers 
of Hengest is given in most accounts with varying details. It is 
at this point that the Hengest story is brought into connection 
with the Arthurian legend. Vortigern, fleeing into Wales, 
undertakes to build the tower which causes the discovery of 
Merlin and the putting forth of his prophecies. Aurelius Am- 
brosius and Uther Pendragon, rallying the Christian Britons 
against the heathen invaders, bring us well into the Arthurian 
cycle. Merlin again appears after the death of Hengest as 
adviser and director in the plan to make Stonehenge a monument 



72 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

to the slaughtered British chieftains. Until comparatively 
recent times the etymology of "Stonehenge" has been regarded 
as "the stones of Hengest"^^ — a reminder of the treachery and 
cruelty of the Saxon leader. It is interesting to note that if we 
agree to consider the Hengest of Beowulf and of Layamon the 
same man, we have one figure that forms a connecting link 
between Old and Middle English poetry. The same character 
plays an active though minor part in the greatest epic of the 
earliest period and in the most important cycle during the 
flourishing of romance. Of course in the later forms of the 
Arthurian story, Hengest disappears, and here again we have 
an interesting illustration of the way what is accepted as fact 
is overlaid by fiction through a gradual shifting of emphasis and 
change i'n point of view as well as by the annexing of outside 
material. 

No subject in the entire table is more interesting than the 
family tree of Hengest. The Old English Chronicle and Bede 
trace his ancestry back to Woden, the Chronicle placing Witta 
between Wecta and Wihtgils. Later writers follow the Chronicle 
for the most part, although a number, like Bede, make him the 
great grandson of Woden. Nennius goes back five generations 
beyond Woden to the mythical Geat ; and Henry of Huntingdon, 
trying to do the same thing, evidently confuses some story that 
has connected the names of Finn and Hengest as in the Beowulf 
episode, for he introduces ''Flocwald" just after Finn, where 
Godwulf should appear. Such a mistake, together with the 
many place names^* that recall Finn, Hnaef , and other persons 
connected with the Finnsburg episode, suggests that the story 
was current in an early day but, along with other heathen tales, 
was forgotten in the spread of Christianity. The Frisian chroni- 
clers make him a descendant of the reigning family in Friesland 
and ascribe his Saxon ancestors to his mother or to his wife. 
Some writers merely refer to him as the son of a king, of duke 's 
kin, or of noble blood in Germany. Much variation is likewise 
shown in the list of his descendants. Aesc is mentioned in the 
0. E. Chronicle as his son who succeeded him. Nennius makes 



23 Cf. New English Dictionary. 

24 G. Binz: "Zeugnisse zur Germanischen Sa. in England." Paul und Braunes 
Beitrage, XX, 179-186. 



HENGEST 73 

Oeta and Ebissa survive him. William of Malmesbury gives 
Eise, Otha, and Ermenrie without making their exact relation- 
ship clear. Most later writers who say anything about his heirs 
mention two, giving their names in various forms. In the 
Frisian chronicles, however, more details appear, although these 
details do not always agree. The point most clearly brought 
out in them is that Willibrord, the first to succeed in bringing 
Christianity among the Frisians, was a direct descendant of 
Hengest. Naturally the Frisian writers were interested in 
emphasizing the important place the Frisian race occupied in the 
early history of England and the part England played in 
continental affairs. 

Doubtless, if one knew where to find them, many minor legends 
could be recognized as springing from the Hengest tradition. 
The following is an illustration of such an offshoot. In the 
chronicles of the Monastery of Abingdon we are told that Aben, 
the son of a certain noble who fell at Salisbury ' ' seduced by the 
treachery of the most wicked pagan Hengist," escaped from 
the slaughter with great difficulty. Driven by fear, he fled to a 
certain wood in the eastern part of Oxonia and lived among the 
wild animals, maintaining his life with herbs and roots. Lacking 
Avater, he prayed and God gave him a fountain which may be 
seen to-day. Men hearing of his sanctity gathered to listen to 
his words. Then they built for him a chapel to St. Mary. He 
withdrew to Ireland, but the hill where he dwelt was called 
from him Abendun. 

Even the name of England has been widely held as an echo 
of the fame of Hengest. In the conquest and settlement that 
followed the slaughter of the British chiefs, Hengest is repre- 
sented in the Brut as going through the land, seizing every part 
of it and giving it the name of Engistes land, from which came 
the later form England. This tradition appears rather per- 
sistently until the seventeenth century. John Hardyng in his 
rhymed chronicle says : — 

"After Engest it called was Engestes land, 
By corrupt speach Englande it hight therefore. 
And afterwards so that name it ever bore. ' ' 

Not every narrative that speaks of Hengest is included in the 



74 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

following table. The account of the Anglo-Saxon conquest given 
by Gottfried of Viterbo in his ''Pantheon" of universal history^^ 
changes and confuses events so that it is impossible to fit it into 
the tabular scheme arranged. Its omission is of no importance, 
however, for it has no significance in the development of the 
legend and such interest as attaches to it is of curiosity merely. 
The table has been prepared to give a clear and adequate idea 
of the growth of the Hengest legend and it is hoped that no 
element of importance to this end has been omitted. 



25 Ed. Migne : "Patrol. Lat. CXCVIII." 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

ENGLISH 

"Anglo-Saxon Chronicle." 

''Beowulf." 

"The Fight at Finnsburg." 

Layamon. "Brut." Ed. Madden. 

"The Brut or the Chronicles of England." E. E. T. S. 1906. 

"Merlin." E. E. T. S. 1875. 

' ' Merlin. ' ' Ellis. ' ' Specimens of Early Eng. Metrical Eomance. ' ' 

Lonelich. "Merlin." E.E.T.S. Extra Series XCIII. 

Eobert Fabyan. "Fabyan's Chronicles." Ed. Henry Ellis. 

Eichard Grafton. ' ' Grafton 's Chronicles. ' ' London, 1809. 

Eaphael Holinshed. "Holinshed's Chronicles." London, 1809. 

Milton. ' ' History of Britain. ' ' 

Spenser. "Faerie Queene." 

Drayton. ' ' Polyolbion. ' ' 

John Hardyng. "Chronycle of John Hardyng." 

William Stewart. "Boece, Metrical Chronicle of Scotland." Bolls Series, 

V. 6. 

Eobert Manning. "Chronicles of Eobert Manning of Brunne." Bolls 

Series, V. 87. 
Eobert of Gloucester. "Chronicle of Eobert of Gloucester." Bolls Senes, 

V. 86. 

LATIN 

Bede. "Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum." Ed. Plummer. Trans. 

Everjonan's Library, V. A. Scudder. 
Nennius. "Historia Britonum," Gale, "Script." L Trans. Giles. "Six 

O. E. Chronicles." Bohn ed. 
Aethelweard. Mon. Hist. Brit. Trans. Giles. "Six O. E. Chronicles." 

Bohn ed. 
William of Malmesbury. "Gesta Eegum Anglorum," Bolls Series. Trans. 

Giles. Bohn ed. . 

Henry of Huntingdon. "Historia Anglorum." Bolls Series. Trans. 

Forester. Bohn ed. , 

Geoffrey of Monmouth. "Historia Eegum Brittaniae." Bolls Senes. 

Trans. Giles. "Six O. E. Chronicles." Bohn ed. 
Eadulfi de Diceto. Bolls Series, Vol. 68. 
Polyehronicon Eanulphi Higden. Bolls Series, Vol. 41. 
Florence of Worcester. "Chronicon ex chronicis." Mon. Hist. Brit. 
"Annales Pietorum." Eitson's Annals, Vol. I. 

75 



76 IOWA HUMANISTIC STUDIES 

Polydore Virgil. ''Anglicae Historiae Libri XXVI." Cf. Polydore 

Vergil's History, Vol. I. Camden Soc. No. XXXVI. 
Cornelius Kempius. "De Origine Situ, Qualitate et Quintate Frisiae." etc. 
Suffridis Petrus. "De Frisiomm, Antiquitate et Origine." etc. 
Bernardus Furmerius. ''Annalium Phrisicorum. " 

Martinus Hamconius. ' ' Frisia Seu De Viris Eebusque Frisiae lUustribus. ' ' 
Ubbo Emmius. ''Rerum Frisicarum Historia." 
Vorperas Thaboritas. "Vorperic Theboritae Chronicon Frisiae." 
Eichard of Cirencester. "Eieardi de Cirencestris Speculum Historiale." 

Bolls Series, V. 30. 
Bartholomew de Cotton. "Bartolomei de Cotton Historia Anglicana." 

Bolls Series, V. 16. 
John of Oxnead. ''Chronica Johannis de Oxenedes." Bolls Series, V. 

XIII. 
Thomas of Malmesbury. "Eulogium Historiarum. " Bolls Series, V. 9. 
Walter of Coventry. "Memoriale Walteri de Coventria." Bolls Series, 

V. 58. 
Matthew of Paris. "Chronica Majora." Bolls Series, V. 57. 
Matthew of Westminster. ' ' Flores Historiarum. ' ' Bolls Series, V. 95. 
John of Wallingford. Gale, " Scriptores. " 
John of Fordun. "Chronica Gentis Scotorum" or " Scotichronicum. " 

FEENCH 

Geoffrey Gaimar. "L'Estorie des Engles." Bolls Series. 

Wace. " Le Roman de Brut. " Ed. Le Eoux de Lincy. Trans. Everyman's 

Lib. 
Pierre de Langtoft. "Chronicle." Bolls Series, V. 47. 
"Livere des Eeis de Brittanie" etc. Bolls Series, V. 42. 
Robert de Boron. "Merlin." Societe des Aneiens Textes Fran§ais. 
Jehan de Wavrin. "Eecueil des Chroniques d 'Engleterre. " Bolls Series, 

V. 40. 

GENERAL 

Roemer. "Origins of the English People and of the English Language." 

Moller. "Das Altenglische Volksepos." . 

Monumenta Germ. Hist., Scriptores III. ed. 1839. 

Stubbs. "Lectures on Medieval and Modern History." 

Edmondo de Amieis. "Holland." 

Clark Hall. "Beowulf." 

Aurner. "Analysis of the Interpretations of the Finnsburg Documents." 

Univ. of Iowa Humanistic Series, 1917. 
Publications of the Modern Language Association, June, 1915. 
W. G. Black. ' ' Heligoland and the Islands of the North Sea. ' ' 
Grundtvig. "Bjowulfs-Drape." 
Chadwick. "Origin of the English Nation." 
C. F. Hansen, "Westerland auf Sylt." 



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GLOUCESTER 

(ca. end of 13th Cent.) 

Ref., Chronicle, R. S., 

Vol. 86, Pt. 1, pp. 

170-221 


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(ca. 1293) 

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pp. 9-10 




■fci 
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Ref., Chronica Ma- 

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FLORENCE OF 

WORCESTER (1118) 

Ref., Mon. Hist. 

Brit. ; Chronicon 

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RALPH HIGDEN 

(1352) 

Ref., Polychronicon 

Ranulphi Higden, 

R. S., Vol. 41, Pt. 5, 

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(ca. 1366) 

Ref., Eulogium His- 

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9, Pt. 2, Bk. Y, Oh. 

Y-XLYI 






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ROBERT MANNING 

OF BRUNNE 

(ca. 1338) 

Ref., Chronicles, 

R. S., Yol. 87, Pt. 1, 

pp. 256-312 


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(ca. 1327) 

Ref., Flores Histori- 

arum, R. S., Yol. 95, 

Pt. 1, pp. 216-246 


M 


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(ca. 1307) 

Ref., Chronicle, R. S., 

Yol. 47, Pt. 1, pp. 

98-129 


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pp. 37-41 


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SUFFRIDUS 

PETRUS (1590) 

Bef., De Fris. Antiq. 

et Grig., Bk. II, 

Ch. XV 


J 

'Si 


Son of Udolphus 
Haron and Swana, 
daughter of Vetgist, 
the Saxon Satrap 




.2 


Sent to the emperor 
to be educated in his 
hall and trained in 
military discipline 


On his return sent 
into Angria to assist 
Yglo in war — gained 
great fame among 
neighboring tribes — 
especially Saxons 


Banished by lot ac- 
cording to custom to 
relieve stress of over- 
population 


CORNELIUS 

KEMPIUS (1588) 

Ref., De Origine etc., 

Bk. I, Ch. XV, Bk. 

II, Gh. XXI, XXII 


'Si 




|3 


'S 








DRAYTON 
Bef., Polyolbion, Vol. 

II, pp. 72-74 
(eleventh song) Ed. 
Hooper, London, 1876 








r! 
o 
X 








51^ 

PM<CQ 








o 

03 








JOHN MILTON 

Ref., History of 

Britain, Reprint 

London, 1870, 

pp. 74-81 


'So 

a 

a 

M 


III 




o 
X 








RAPHAEL 

HOLINSHED 

Ref., Chronicles, pp. 

551-567; London, 

1807, Vol. I 




05 
O 

!> 

J 

.2 13 
a; o 


o 

3 2 
T 


c 
o 

« 
CO 






Given as reported by 
some writers 




"A 

*s 

o 


_o 


a 
o 
'bJa 

1 


3> 

Eh 


p 

o 

-a 


0) 

03 
1 





■Fleet directed to An- 
glia, nearest to the 
Jutes — took posses- 
sion of considerable 
land without difficulty 


13 


a 
<ij d 

.g « 

O (^ 
1-5 OO 
























































•s 

§.2 


O lH) 
O U 


„ O 

.3 « 


WW 


Eaofl 

H 



THE FIGHT AT 
FINNSBURG 


03 

s 














1 




W 

03 

tao 

03 
















VORPERUS 

THABORITAS 

Ref., Chronieon 

Frisiae, Bk. I, 

Chs. VII and YIII 


'& 

a 

03 

a 


1 

OS 

1 

05 




.2 
'S 










UBBO EMMIUS 

(1616) 

Ref., Rerum Frisica- 

rum, Historia, Bk. Ill 


EC 


o 

^< 0) 

fMffl 




.2i 

MCE 

"'S-5 
2 e'o 










MARTINUS 

HAMCONIUS(1625) 

Eef., Frisia Seu De 

Viris Rebusque 

Frisiae 


_g 
'Si 


|l| 

a o 


eS 


a 
.2 
!" 

'S 


2 


03 


O M^ 
fH 03"^ 

-w o a) 
Cm" 


First went to mater- 
nal grandfather in 
old Anglia near the 
Jutes 


BERNARDUS 
PURMERIUS (1609) 
Ref., Annal. Phris., 
Bk. I, Oh. 7, Bk. Ill 


'El 

03 


Son of Udolphus 
Haron, adopted son 
of Vergist his Saxon 
father 


(3 

tts 
03 


el 
.5 

'C 


Sent to court of Val- 
entinian to be trained 
in arms and letters 
(374) 


Served three years 
(380-383) Carolus 
Taxander, Bute of 
Brabant — for a year 
with Yglo Lascon of 
Angria 


S « 

« 03 

^: 

73 » 03 
0) " 


Landed near river 
Eider in region of 
Old Anglia — called 
settlement Frisia 
Minor 




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BARTHOLOMEW 

DE COTTON 

(ca. 1298) 

Bef., Historia Angli- 

cana, li. S., Vol. 16, 

pp. 1-2 


S5i § 
O o « 

Pitrj 

® * r/, 


.3 O 




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ii 1 





si 


Came in three long 
ships — settled in 
eastern part of island 


d 

tH 
ID 

jp 

o 
> 

■a 
V 

5 


As above 

At Stamford in Lin- 
colnshire — Northern- 
ers fought with darts 
and spears, Saxons 
with battle axes and 
longswords — Saxons 
gained victory 

A larger fleet with a 
greater body of men 
came over 












O «J 


>> 

CD 

d M 
o S 


d|^ 
H-g o 

M 1 ^H 


Scots advanced — An- 
gles defeated them — 
cavalry pursued and 
destroyed fugitives 


Hengest with Vorti- 
gern' s consent sent 
for countrymen — they 
came with 16 vessels 
Ijringing Rowena 






.1 

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Fought against Scots 
— remained masters 
of field — King hon- 
ored them with a 
triumph 


A large fleet and 
army of their coun- 
trymen joined them, 
hearing of their 
success 


d 

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Vortigern gave isle of 
Thanet and promised 
provisions in return 
for help 




Hengest with Vorti- 
gern' s consent sum- 
moned 16 vessels of 
armed warriors to as- 
sist him; brought 
Rowena 






Vortigern at banquet 
infatuated promised 
to give what was 
asked for Rowena to 
the half of his king- 
dom. Hengest asked 
and received Kent 


p 


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-d 

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Given land in East- 
ern part of island in 
return for military 
service 


g 
o 

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News of success, fer- 
tility of island, and 
cowardice of Britons 
brought a large fleet 


Saxons, Angles, 
Jutes; (Anglia now 
desert between 
Saxons and Jutes) 
Book V, Chapter IX, 
elsewhere gives Fre- 
sones, Rugii, Dani, 
Hunni, Angli, Sax- 
oni, Boructuarii 








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Old Saxons, Angles 
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Gives Bede's account 
in Ch. VII; in Ch. 
VIII, says he was 
driven into exile 
(Nennius?) 


•1? 
II 

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2 
'3 

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a 

03 

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With consent of King 
sent to Frisia and 
collected Frisians in 
multitude ; also wife 
and son Ocha and 
daughter 




Banquet and infatua- 
tion described — east- 
ern part of Britain 
given for H's 
daughter 






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A much greater force 
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men and women came 
as if to settle rather 
than fight 










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Vortigern, at Canter- 
bury, sent enquiries 
and offered homes 
and reward if they 
would fight for him 


Not long after arriv- 
al, they met the 
snemy and drove them 
from the country 


H. called more forces 
from the fatherland 
and neighboring 
regions 


.5 

03 TS 

,03 
m 


H. asked land from 
the king and built a 
tower for safety of 
himself and family 


King invited to view 
tower — at feast, Ro- 
venna, according to 
Frisian custom bore 
bowl to king, knelt, 
etc., as above 




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pay- 

iance 
drove 
nd to 
er 


ought 
after 
drove 

ships 


©5 ? d =* 


fought 

chief 

— Brit- 

d Esc 












orce 
port 
al 
nd 
isla 
,helt 




and C 

under 

made 

Hengis 

t Aeill 












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H. and E 
British led 
(many deta 
ish fled; H 
ruled Kent 




!z;h 








«t-i S 


g^-S-co 


&'«.'* 












Saxons 
ment o: 
formed 
with Pj 
British 
woods 


Says G 
three 
Aylesfo 
Saxons 
(Sec. 3 


Gortim 

general 

brosius 

against 

Horsa 

in 455 






.., ., , I'm 1 ^ •- to-O 1 












; for his 
ther (no 
y settled 
ria 




o 
c! a 


named 

a draw 

Katigi 

s gaine 

battles 












Hengest sen 
son and bro 
named) — the 
in Northumt 




.2 5 

bo 


First (not 
resulted in 
Horsa anc 
fell ; Angle 
other three 
















'd 1 xi 1 

fl 1 IS 


1^ 

SO 


•- tH fe 0,„ 


d *^ 












© 1 W tS 


Hengest and Ho 
fought against Vo 
gem. Horsa a 
killed. Hengest 
tained kingdom (4 




M 

> 

M 


H 








They demand stip 
— Britons refuse— 
they take up arm 
drive Britons out 
take possession oi 
island 


(473) Hengist 
Aesc gained vie 
over Britons — im- 
mense spoils 


(457) Hengest 
Aesc put Briton 
flight 


!Z! 






■ig^i-sii 




S 1 ►i'S^iiS 


(1) Vortimer fought 
Hengest and Horsa, 
drove them to the isle 
of Thanet, and be- 
sieged them. (4) Fin- 
ally near the stone by 
the Gallic sea, Saxons 
defeated, fled to ships 






i^ 








,o 1 ca cs n C 






O 
O 

02 

s 
s 


M 
!2i 




Hengest with Voi 
gem's consent su 
moned his son 
and Ebissa, "fratu 
suo." They sett 
and held land 
tween England a 
Scotland 




Britons grew una 
to fill agreement 
tried to dismiss S 
ons (before calling 
Octa and Ebiss 
Saxons continually 
ceived reinforceme 






p 










ague 
rned 

oyed 

sses- 


the 
ttle; 
Kent 
ment 
e 






W 


Q 








into le 
ts and tu 
Britons— 
d, destr 
>, took po 
country 


slain by 
in Be 
ried in 
a monu 
his nam 
nds 














T3.2 ^ f^ ©«j 


to s to»s 
















Entere 
with P 
agains 
plunde 
church 
sion 


Horsa 
Briton 
was b 
where 
bearin 
still St 



















T3 1 


w 1 M 


IS O t. 














ce^.d 


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<H T« d 




o 

M 
(Zi 

o 










bo 


d H 
rtiger 
, He 
Dtain 
55 


nd 
roops 

6); ( 
Brito 












OfS^m 


Hengist an 
against Vo 
Horsa slain 
and Aesc o 
kingdom, 4 


'^O 1 




o 
d 










(473) H 
Aesc foug 
took spoil 
fled 


Hengist 
slew 4 
Britons ( 
slew 400 






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JOHN OF FORDUN 
(1385) 




Hengistus calls Oc- 
tave and his son Eu- 
busum after the death 
of Vortigern to aid 
him against Aurelius 


■US 

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a, 
s 




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S TO CO 
S in O 


Otta, Ebissa, and 
Cherdich secretly sum- 
moned by H. to help 
him against Vortimer 
— came with 300 
ships 


People deposed Vorti- 
gern because of his 
marriage with Ron- 
wen — crowned 
Vortimer 


^.2 

ft^ 

S S 
o 

II 

^2 


(Third battle was on 
the sea-shore, the 
fourth in Cancia 
where he put all to 
flight) 




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Octa, Ebsa, Kerdyk 
summoned — came 
with 30 ships — after 
that came smaller 
groups 


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(3) In Kent — Saxons 
fled to "Yle of Than- 
et" ; (4) in Isle of 
Thanet — Saxons fled 
to Germany 






to 

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Met Saxons at Ailles- 
pord and defeated 
them. Soon after in 
battle Horsa killed 
Katigern and Vorti- 
mer slew Horsa — put 
Her gist to flight 


PIERRE DE 
LANGTOFT 
{ca. 1307) 


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(A large section ap- 
pears to have been 
missed — tale passes 
from Vortimer's 
crowning to his death) 


LIVERE DES REIS 

DE BRITTANIE 

{ca. 1300) 


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Portager made war 
against Hengest so 
successfully Siat H. 
promised never to in- 
vade Britain again 
and embarked for 
Germany 








o 

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The Danes that Vor- 
tiger had brought in 
warred sore against 
the Christians 








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First in Kent, second 
at Tetteford, third 
Cattagren and Horn 
killed each other. 
Vortymer destroyed 
"Horncastle" in Kent 
and drove Saxons out 
of land 






EhCO 

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OS 
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Bishop of London 
slain by Occa for re- 
proving Vortigern's 
marriage with R. 
Britons revolted from 
Vortigern, crowned 
Vortimer 


.~'d 

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Vortimer with help of 
the Scots restores 
Christianity — sum- 
mons St. Germanus 
and St. Lupus 






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Cocta and 300 ships 
called to increase 
power against Scots 
and Picts 




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Vortimer in second 
battle at Aillepord 
overcame a vast 
multitude 


Not long after a great 
battle was foiight in 
which Katigern and 
Horsa were killed 




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Hengist sent for 
Occa, Ebissa, and 
Cherdryk— they 
brought 300 ships of 
warriors 


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Vortimer, son of Vor- 
tigern's first wife, in- 
dignant at marriage 
with Rowena, waged 
war against H. in 
which Horsa fell 


In second battle Vor- 
timer' s brother fell ; 
in third he drove 
Frisians to ships 




o 








Saxons mastering the 
field drove the Brit- 
ons beyond the Sev- 
erne into Wales and 
Cornwall 






02 
OS 








By the help of his 
son, Vortimer, Vorti- 
ger regains his king- 
dom 






"A 
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H. gained consent of 
V. to send for Octa 
and Ebissa, his own 
and his brother's son 




Saxons complain that 
they are not paid for 
service — Guortimer at 
head of Britons tries 
to drive them out 




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Great number of Sax- 
ons terrified Britons 
— ^Vortimer made war 
on Saxons 


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Gortenir, indignant at 
encroachments, waged 
war against H. and 
H. 


Fought a battle in 
which the brother of 
Hengist and many 
others were killed 


5 « 
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BERNAR.DTJS MARTINUS 
FURMERIUS (1609) HAMCONIUS (1625) 
















c8-r1 


Ochta and Ebissa, 
brothers, had come 
with Hengist his 
f.randsons, sons of 
Orichius — others call 
them sons of Hengist 


The people fearing 
the encroacliment of 
H. and his followers 
deposed Vortigern 
and set up Vortimer 


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Gortimer fell sic' 
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Aylesf ord — tliis 
couraged Briton 
battle of Crayfo: 










12; tH 


H. and 
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460 slain, Vortigern 
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02 






In the third Gortenir 
gained the victory, 
the Frisians fled to 
ships 




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Hengist with a great 
throng of Frisians 
came back and began 
to plot 


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As in Geoffrey, but Refers to the story 
number slain 450 — but does not tell it 
no mention of Eldol except to call atten- 
tion to Frisian signal 


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V. gained victory in 
a great battle at Ep- 
pisford. H, retired 
to Thanet 


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H. was informed by 
message from Roven- 
na of the death of 
the enemy who had 
driven him out 




H. with as great a 
force as he could col- 
lect unexpectedly re- 
turned to Britain 




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HENRY OF 
HUNTINGDON 


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Hengist died in the 
forty-fifth year after 
his invasion of 
Britain 












Ambrosius Roman 
King after "Vortigern 
— with aid of warlike 
Arthur quelled 
barbarians 


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After death of his 
father Hengest, Octa 
came from the sinis- 
tral part of the island 
to the kingdom of 
Kent 




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Under Ambrosius 
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Hengest took all this rich kingdom — di- 
vided it among his men — gave an earl 
Kent — gave his steward Essex — gave his 
chamberlain Middlesex — ^Vortiger gave up 
his land and fled over Severn 


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Final battle given in full detail — Hengest 
taken by Aldof (as in Geoffrey) and be- 
headed. Hengest buried according to his 
pagan rites 


Aurelie called counsel at Merlin's advice to 
decide upon monument. Merlin's sugges- 
tion followed. Merlin and Uther in charge 
of expedition — overcame king Gillomaur — 
brought stones back and set them up 


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Vortigern granted 
Sussex, Essex, and 
Middlesex as ransom 
in addition to Kent 


Aurelius rallied the 
Britons and marched 
north against Hengist 
who was trying to get 
help from Scotland 


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Aurelius called ma- 
sons to build monu- 
ment — was advised to 
send for Merlin — 
moving of Giant's 
Dance as in Geoffrey 
with addition of bat- 
tle of king of Ireland 
to get the stones 


Octa, son, Ossa (cou- 
sin of Octa), Ebissa 
(cousin-nephew of 
Hengist) 


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Saxons took London and afterwards York, 
Lincoln, and Winchester, wasting the coun- 
try and destroying the people as wolves 
do sheep 


Aurelius Ambrosius and his brother with 
10,000 men returned — British rallied about 
them — crowned Aurelius, burned V. in his 
tower — advanced against Saxons 


Hengist defeated at field of Mausbeli — fled 
to Cunungeburg (Conisburg). He was 
taken by Eldol — Later by advice of Bishop 
Eldad, was beheaded by Eldol 


Aurelius, to get a monument for the 
slaughtered Britons, buried on Salisbury 
plain, commissioned Merlin to bring from 
Mt. Killaraus in Ireland the great stones 
known as the Giant's Dance — By his art 
Merlin accomplished this feat — he set up 
the stones in their original form about the 
burial place. They were dedicated with 
great ceremony by king and people 


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Under leadership of 
Aurelius Vortigern 
was slain, kingdom 
regained 


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Aurelius and Uther 
besiege and burn V. 
H. tries to get help 
of Scots and Picts 


Eldok took H. and 
sent him as a present 
to Aurelius — by de- 
cision of council H. 
beheaded by Eldok 


As in Geoffrey — 
Giant's Dance brought 
from Ireland and set 
up as memorial to 
nobles slain by 
Hengest 




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London, Lincoln, 
York, and Winchester 
taken — Hengist su- 
preme — Vortiger fled 
to Wales 


Ambrosius rallied 
British — ^burned Vor- 
tiger — defeated 
Pagans 


Edol took H. — by 
judgment of army 
"cut off the head of 
Hengist who flinched 
in no way" 


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By the wheel of for- 
tune Saxons were all 
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Arthurian section 
tion omitted — narra- 
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Orichius — Octa, Ebis- 
sa (Kent) (Vesualia 
— Angrivarian Dukes 
to Vitekind) 


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H. succeeded by son 
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ric — Edelberht; Willi- 
brord (a descendant) 


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Hengist first began a 
kingdom in Kent, and 
his heirs extended it 
to the Humber 










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H. added to his terri- 
tory three provinces 
given by Vortigern as 
ransom 


Under Ambrosius Au- 
relius Britons rallied 
and drove out Saxons 
(partly) 


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(1) taken in battle 
and beheaded by 
Edol; (2) slain at 
River Dune 


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